Diarmuid Breatnach
(Reading time: 3 mins.)
The leaders of the Nigerien coup of 31st July, breaking the bondage of the country to its neo-colonial French masters, may be applying lessons from French history all the same.
Not from the Liberté, Egalité et Fraternité of the French Revolution of 17891, however.
No, instead they may be remembering the history of the Paris Commune on 18th March 1871, the first city in the world to come under a revolutionary socialist regime.2
regime.2
In the midst of a crisis impelled by the defeat of France by Prussia under Bismark and Paris being under siege, along with crushing armistice terms for France accepted by Chief Executive Adolphe Thiers, Paris was experiencing much social and political unrest.
The authorities under the leadership of Thiers moved to disarm the people by removing canon that had been paid for by popular subscription. Crowds refused to allow this and protests grew into insurrection as soldiers of the National Guard3 joined the demonstrators.
The Communards overthrew the authorities in Paris but failed to prevent many of their enemies leaving the city.
Advised by General Vinoy, Thiers ordered the evacuation to Versailles of all the regular forces in Paris, some 40,000 soldiers, including those in the fortresses around the city; the regrouping of all the army units in Versailles; and the departure of all government ministries from the city.
Thiers set up his government in Versailles where he and his advisors plotted the retaking of Paris and the defeat of the Commune, which showed all the signs of becoming permanent.
However, Thiers lacked sufficient armed forces to fight through the Prussians. In the end he reaffirmed their crushing armistice terms in defeat and begged the Prussians to allow his armed forces (partly composed of released POWs) through the Prussian encirclement to attack Paris.
Bismark agreed and the French troops under Marshall Mahon4 (who had himself escaped from Paris) were given safe conduct towards Paris and through the besieging Prussians so that they could attack the city.
After fierce fighting but often under inefficient military leadership, the Commune was defeated by French troops on 28th May 1871, with wounded defenders bayoneted and prisoners executed en masse or, in the cases of some leaders, tried and executed or exiled.5
NIGER TODAY
The Niger coup leaders today are holding the former elected President, Mohamed Bazoum, the neo-colonial puppet of the French, along with his family, under house arrest. Western leaders call for their release, which no doubt seems humanitarian, but the coup leaders refuse.
Certainly the coup leaders are treating their captives better than have been many leaders of former regimes overthrown by coup or invasion.
General Franco’s regime tortured and murdered around 200,000 civilians in his military-fascist coup 1936-1939, most of them after the war in Spain.
Nationalist elected President Patrice Lumumba of the Congo was murdered in 1961 by the Belgian-USA puppet Moise Tshombe’s forces.
When South Vietnam’s USA-friendly President Ngô Đình Diệm began to show tendencies towards independence in 1963, he was murdered in a coup by General Dương Văn Minh with CIA collusion. Salvador Allende was murdered in the 1976 CIA-masterminded coup in Chile.
National leader of Iraq Saddam Hussein6 (2006) and Muammar Ghadaffi of Libya (2011) were murdered by internal but USA-allied forces.
Mohamed Bazoum is alive and under house arrest with his wife and son, reportedly with canned food but without electricity and running water, though he is permitted regular contact with the West and recently met with the premier of Chad on 31st July.
Although Niger is a land extremely rich in natural resources including oil, gold and uranium being exploited by foreign companies, 80% of the population ruled under Bazoum’s presidency have never had electrity or domestic running water.
Despite demands from the Western powers, the coup leaders, perhaps remembering the history of the Paris Commune, refuse free Mohamed Bazoum, perhaps to act as a figurehead to lead a western-supported army back to ‘liberate’ Niger and to ‘restore democracy’.
End.
FOOTNOTES
1 These principles were of course not applied to France’s colonies, as the sad history of Haiti demonstrates. The African slaves there took the principles seriously but Napoleon waged war upon them and eventually, through the treachery of captains of Toussaint L’Ouverture, leader of the successful slave insurrection, delivered L’Ouverture and his family to end their days in French dungeons. Haiti was returned to French rule, where it remained until eventually overthrown again but under French neo-colonial, later USA neo-colonial dominion where it remains today.
2 Among the decrees were:
- separation of church and state;
- remission of rents owed for the entire period of the siege (during which payment had been suspended);
- abolition of child labour and night work in bakeries;
- granting of pensions to the unmarried companions and children of national guardsmen killed in active service;
- free return by pawnshops of all workmen’s tools and household items, valued up to 20 francs, pledged during the siege;
- postponement of commercial debt obligations, and the abolition of interest on the debts;
- right of employees to take over and run an enterprise if it were deserted by its owner; the Commune, nonetheless, recognised the previous owner’s right to compensation;
- prohibition of fines imposed by employers on their workmen.
3 The National Guard had defended Paris while the French Army was in the field and became the army of the Commune.
4 Patrice de Mac Mahon, of part of the Mac Mathúna/ Mac Mahon clan from Ireland emigrated to and settled in France (14 members of the family served in the army).
5 The national forces killed in battle or quickly executed between 10,000 and 15,000 Communards, though one unconfirmed estimate from 1876 put the toll as high as 20,000. Fifteen thousand were tried, 13,500 of whom were found guilty. Ninety-five were sentenced to death, 251 to forced labor, and 1,169 to deportation (Wikipedia).
6 Saddam Hussein at least had a trial and the question is not whether, if one agrees with a death penalty, he deserved to die but that it was the ‘justice of the victor’, in this case that being the USA, certainly guilty of many more murders and tortures than was Hussein. Ghadaffi was murdered most painfuly without any trial by his captors.
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