Author: rebelbreeze

Revolutionary socialist & anti-imperialist; Rebel Breeze publishes material within this spectrum and may or may not agree with all or part of any particular contribution. Writing English, Irish and Spanish, about politics, culture, nature.

JANUARY — BIRTHS AND STATE EXECUTIONS

On By rebelbreezeIn Capitalism, Executions, History, Ireland, Irish Civil War, Irish Diaspora, Song, Trade unions, USA, Workers' Struggles4 Comments

Diarmuid Breatnach

 

The month of January is the start of the year, according to the calendar most of us use but, for the Celts and some other peoples, it was the last month of winter, which had begun in November, after the feast of Samhain.

I am notified of many birthdays in January from among my Facebook friends.  That would seem to indicate a higher rate of conception at the end of March/ early April and onwards but a quick search on the internet did not supply me comparative figures.  However, in our climate, new food begins to be available inland in January as salmon arrive to spawn and with sheep lactating from February.  Onwards from there, plants begin to grow again and birds lay eggs, animals give birth and so on.  The pregnant mother needs a ready supply of food to sustain a viable pregnancy.

Though January may be a month of births, from what I see of history it is also a month of deaths … early, unnatural deaths …. of executions, in fact.  These particular executions to which I refer took place in Ireland and in the United States of America and they were carried out by the respective states of those countries.

 

Executions by the Irish Free State

This week saw the anniversary of five such executions, on the 15th January 1923 — executions by the Free State of IRA Volunteers.  Four of these were in Roscrea and the fifth was in Carlow: Vol.F. Burke; Vol.Patrick Russell; Vol.Martin Shea; Vol.Patrick MacNamara; Vol.James Lillis.

They were not the first executions by the Free State: eight had been executed the previous November and thirteen in December.  The killing for the new year of 1923 had begun with five in Dublin on the 8th January and another three in Dundalk.

The Mountjoy Four executions by the Irish Free State in 1922 of one IRA Volunteer from each province.
The Mountjoy Four reprisal executions by the Irish Free State on 8th December 1922 of one IRA Volunteer from each province.

Nor were those executed on the 15th January to be the last for that month: on the 20th another eleven stood against a wall to be shot by soldiers of the Irish state; on the 22nd, another three; on the 25th, two more; and another four on the 26th before the month’s toll of 34 had been reached. As we progress through the year, each month will contain the anniversary of an executed volunteer and in all but one, multiple executions.

Apart from those who died while fighting, seventy-seven Volunteers and two other supporters of the struggle were officially executed by the Irish Free State between November 1922 and 29th December 1923. In addition there were many (106-155) murdered without being acknowledged by Free State forces — shot (sometimes after torture) and their bodies dumped in streets, on mountains, in quarries .…1

Soiidarity demonstration outside Mountjoy Jail, probably organized by Cumann na mBan, perhaps in protest at Mountjoy executions December 1922
Soiidarity demonstration outside Mountjoy Jail, probably organized by Cumann na mBan, perhaps in protest at Mountjoy executions December 1922

These deeds and others led to the composition of a number of songs, among the best of which are in my opinion Martyrs of ’22  (sung to the air of The Foggy Dew) and Take It Down from the Mast.  The latter was written in 1923 by James Ryan, containing two verses about the Six Counties which one doesn’t normally hear sung.  Dominic Behan in the 1950s added a verse of his own about the four executions by the State in reprisal for the assassination of TD Sean Hales, when the State deliberately shot one Volunteer from each province, each of whom had been in custody when the assassination took place: Rory O’Connor, Liam Mellows, Richard Barrett, Joseph McKelvey,  Dominic Behan recorded the latter in the 1950s: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-b2EL8Jytao

This was the bloody baptism of the new state, a neo-colony state of twenty-six counties on a partitioned island, with six counties remaining a British colony.

 

MARTYRS OF ’22

1

When they heard the call of a cause laid low,
They sprang to their guns again;
And the pride of all was the first to fall —
The glory of our fighting men.
In the days to come when with pipe and drum,
You’ll follow in the ways they knew,
When their praise you’ll sing, let the echoes ring
To the memory of Cathal Brugha.

2

Brave Liam Lynch on the mountainside
Felll a victim to the foe
And Danny Lacey for Ireland died
in the Glen of Aherlow
Neil Boyle and Quinn from the North came down
To stand with the faithful and true
And we’ll sing their praise in the freedom days
‘Mong the heroes of ’22.

 3

Some fell in the proud red rush of war
And some by the treacherous blow,
Like the martyrs four in Dublin Town,
And their comrades at Dromboe:
And a hundred more in barrack squares
and by lonely roadsides too:
Without fear they died and we speak with pride
of the martyrs of ’22.

 

 
Executions of “Molly Maguires”

Wednesday, 14th January, was the anniversary of the executions of James McDonnell and Charles Sharp at Mauch Chunk jail, Pennsylvania. Both had been accused of being “Molly Maguires”, a resistance group of workers, mostly miners, in the Pennsylvania region. Today, the 16th, is the anniversary of the execution of another “Molly”, Martin Bergin; 20 were executed over two years. And many more had been murdered in their homes or ambushed — many others had been beaten; these activities were carried out by “vigilantes” hired by the coal-mine owners and by Iron & Coal Guards, also employed by them.

The exact origin of the name Molly Maguires is uncertain but they were among a number of agrarian resistance organizations of previous years in Ireland; according to accounts, they gathered at night wearing women’s smocks over their clothes to attack landlords and their agents. Since these smocks tended to be white in colour, Whiteboys or Buachaillí Bána was another name for them.  

Molly Maguires tribute statue by Zenos Frudrakis in Molly Maguires Memorial Park, Mahanoy City, Pennsylvania, USA
Molly Maguires tribute statue by Zenos Frudrakis in Molly Maguires Memorial Park, Mahanoy City, Pennsylvania, USA

Somewhat Ironically, the state of Pennsylvania was itself named after a man with connections to Ireland: William Penn’s father, the original William, had commanded a ship in the Royal Navy during the suppression of the Irish uprising in 1641, for which he had been given estates in Ireland by Cromwell.

His son, William went to live on the Irish estates for a while and was suppressing Irish resistance there in 1666. Not lot long afterwards he became a Quaker in Cork.

In 1681 the younger Penn’s efforts to combine a number of Quaker settlements in what is now the eastern United States were successful when he was granted a charter by King Charles II to develop the colony. The governance principles he outlined there are credited with influencing the later Constitution of the United States.
 Charles II added the name “Penn” to William’s chosen name of “Sylvania” for the colony, in honour of the senior Penn’s naval service (he had by then become an Admiral).


Less than two hundred years later, Pennsylvania was one of the United States of America and the anthracite coal discovered there was being mined by US capitalists. The mine owners squeezed their workers as hard as they could and regularly replaced them with workers who were emigrating in mass to the United States in the mid-19th Century.

According to James D. Horan and Howard Swiggett, who wrote The Pinkerton Story sympathetically about the detective agency, about 22,000 coal miners worked in Schuylkill County, Pennsylvania, at this time and 5,500 of these (a quarter) were children between the ages of seven and sixteen years. According to Richard M. Boyer and Herbert M. Morais in Labor’s Untold Story, the children earned between one and three dollars a week separating slate from the coal. Miners who were to injured or too old to work at the coal face were put to picking out slate at the “breakers”, crushing machines for breaking the coal into manageable sizes. In that way, many of the elderly miners finished their mining days as they had begun in their youth.  The life of the miners was a “bitter, terrible struggle” (Horan and Swiggett).

Workers who were illiterate and immigrants without English were unable to read safety notices, such as they were. In addition immigrants faced discrimination and Irish Catholics, who began to arrive in large numbers in the United States after the Great Hunger of 1845-1849 faced particular discrimination although (or because) most spoke English (as a second language to Irish, in many cases). The mine-owners often employed Englishmen and Welsh as supervisors and police which also led to divisions along ethnic lines.

As well as wages being low and working conditions terrible, with deaths and serious injuries at work in their hundreds every year, the mine-owners cut corners by failing to ensure good pit props and refused to install safety features such as ventilating or pumping systems or emergency exits. Boyer and Morais quote statistics of 566 miners killed and 1,655 seriously injured over a seven-year period (Labor, the Untold Story).

In 1869 a fire at the Avondale Mine in Luzerne County, Pennsylvania, cost the lives of 110 miners. There had been no emergency exit for the men’s escape. It is a measure of the influence of the mine and iron capitalists that the jury at the inquest into the deaths did not apportion blame to the mine-owner, although it did add a rider recommending the instalation of emergency exits in all mines.

Earlier at the scene, as the bodies were being recovered from the mine, a man had mounted a wagon to address the thousands of miners who had arrived from surrounding communities: “Men, if you must die with your boots on, die for your families, your homes, your country, but do not longer consent to die, like rats in a trap, for those who have no more interest in you than in the pick you dig with.”

The speaker was John Siney, a leader of the Workingmen’s Benevolent Association, a trade union that had been organizing among the miners for some time; his words were a call to unionize and thousands did so there and then and over the following days.

Trade union organisers in the USA throughout the 19th Century (and later) were routinely subject to harassment, threats and often much worse and the workers at times responded in kind. Shooting and stabbing incidents were far from unknown, with fifty unexplained murders in Schuykill County between 1863 and 1867. The mine-owners had the Coal and Iron Police force and were known to hire additional “vigilantes” to intimidate and punish trade union organisers. They also hired the Pinkerton Detective Agency to gather intelligence on union organisers and on the Molly Maguires.

The employers watched concerned as the WBA trade union grew to 30,000 strong with around 85% membership among the coal miners of the area, including nearly all the Irish. The “Great Panic” of 1873 changed the situation. A stock crash due to over-expansion was followed by a decrease in the money supply and staggering levels of unemployment followed. As is often the case, the capitalists maintained their life-styles while claiming inability to pay living wages to their workers. As is often the case too, they used the opportunity of high unemployment to force worse wages and conditions upon the workers.

One of those capitalists owned two-thirds of the mines in the southeastern Pennsylvania area; he was Franklin B. Gowen, owner of the Reading & Philadelphia Railroad and of the Reading & Philadelphia Coal & Iron Company. Gowen was determined to break the WBA and formed his own union of employers, the Anthracite Board of Trade; in December 1874 they announced a 20% cut in wages for their workers. On 1st January 1875 the WBA brought their members out on strike.

The history of the coal mines of Pennsylvania and their terrible conditions and mortality in the 19th Century, the extreme exploitation of the mine-owners’ systems and their use of prejudiced and corrupt courts, media and vigilantes to have their way, is a long one. The history of the workers’ resistance is also a long one and the “Molly Maguires” were a part of it. Their own history is also dogged by controversy, with some even doubting the existence of the Mollies, claiming that the secret society was an invention of the employers to create panic and to associate the unionized workers with violence in the minds of the public. The brief notes following are part of a narrative accepted by some historians but not by others.

In order to defend themselves, the miners developed two types of organisation which, in many areas where the workers were Irish, existed side by side. One was the Workingmen’s Benevolent Association, a trade union the methods of which were those of industrial action, demonstrations and attempts to use the legal system in order to improve working conditions and gain better remuneration for the workers. The leaders of the WBA condemned violence used by workers as well, of course, as denouncing the employers’ violence.

The other was the Molly Maguires, a secret oath-bound society which organized under the cover of the Ancient Order of Hibernians. The AOH in turn was a self-help or fraternal organization for Catholics of Irish origin, mostly in the Irish diaspora, particularly in the USA, where early Catholic Irish migrants had encountered much hostility and discrimination from the WASP establishment and from “nativist” groups. In keeping with the history of their namesakes, the Molly Maguires of the USA were prepared to use violence in response to the violence of their employers.

In March1875, Edward Coyle, a leading member of the union and of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, was murdered, as was another member of the AOH; a miners’ meeting was attacked and a mine-owner fired into a group of miners (Boyer and Morais).

Reprisals by the Mollies followed as attacks on their members and the miners in general escalated. These attacks were carried out by State police, the Coal and Iron Police of the mine-owners and in particular by the “Vigilantes”, also hired by the mine-owners.

The information supplied by the Pinkerton Agents in their daily reports, although often only initial speculations from surveillance, were used to target individuals who were then often murdered2. One of the Pinkerton agents, James McParlan3 from Co. Armagh, who had penetrated the Mollies under cover of the alias “James McKenna”, was reportedly furious that his reports were being used to target people for the “Vigilantes”, including people he considered innocent. His job as he saw it was to gather information which would stand up in court to convict the leading Mollies, sentence them to death and break the organisation. Although his employer tried to pacify him in fact Alan Pinkerton himself had urged the mine-owners to employ “vigilantes”.

John Kehoe Molly Maguire
John “Black Jack” Kehoe, allegedly one of the leaders of the Molly Maguires

 

The mine-owners pursued a dual strategy of violence against Mollies and other leaders and members of the WBA, while also preparing legal charges against trade union officials and collecting evidence to have the Mollies tried for murder. The courts collaborated, as did the mass media. Much of the clergy were not found wanting either and denounced the union leaders to their congregations.

The state militia and the Coal and Iron Police patrolled the district, maintaining an intimidatory presence during the strike. On May 12th John Siney, a leader of the WBA was arrested at a demonstration against the importation of strike-breakers. Siney had opposed the strike and advocated seeking arbitration. Another 27 union officials were arrested on conspiracy charges. Judge Owes’ words while sentencing two of them are indicative of the side on which the legal system was, at least in Pennsylvania in 1875:
“I find you, Joyce, to be President of the Union and you, Maloney, to be Secretary and therefore I sentence you to one year’s imprisonment.”

Stories appeared in the media of strikes as far away as Jersey City in Illinois and in the Ohio mine-fields, all allegedly inspired by the Mollies. Much of the anti-union propaganda in the media was directly provided by Gowen who planted stories therein of murder and arson by the secret society.

With the workers starving and deaths among children and the infirm, surrounded by armed representatives of the employers and the state militia (also friendly to the employers), their leaders arrested, the union nearly collapsed and the strike was broken, miners going back to work on a 20% cut in their wages. The strike had lasted six months but the Mollies fought on and McPartland noted increased support for them, including among union members who had earlier declined to support their methods.

When the Mollies were brought to trial in a number of different court cases of irregular conduct, Gowen had himself appointed as Chief Prosecutor by the State. One of the accused, Kerrigan, turned state’s evidence and his and McPartland’s evidence helped send 10 Molly Maguires to their deaths: Michael Doyle, Edward Kelly, Alex Campbell, McGeehan, Carroll, Duffy, James Boyle, James Roarity, Tom Munley, McAllister.

Execution of Molly Maguire 1877 (French soure: I have been unable to find the name of the victim or the exact date of his execution
Execution of Molly Maguire 1877 (French soure: I have been unable to find the name of the victim or the exact date of his execution)

In that area and in many other major industrial areas across the United States throughout the rest of that century and well into the next, employers continued to use spies and “vigilantes”, company police, local law enforcement agencies, state militia, labour-hostile press, fixed juries and biased judges to break workers’ defence organisations, often martyring their leaders and supporters.

A number of books have been published about the Molly Maguires and their story of has been dramatised in the film of the name (1970), starring Sean Connery as Jack Kehoe and Richard Harris as McPartland. The Mollies have also been celebrated in a number of songs, among which the lyrics of the Dubliner’s version is probably the worst and those of The Sons of Molly Maguire are the best I have heard (see Youtube recording link below end of article).

Molly Maguire tribute banner ITGWU (Cork branch)
Molly Maguire tribute banner ITGWU (Cork branch)

In June 2013 the East Wall History Group organized a talk on the Mollies by US Irish author John Kearns at the Sean O’Casey Centre in Dublin’s North Wall area (video of the talk and audio of a radio interview with the author are accessible from this link:http://eastwallforall.ie/?p=1505).

In 1979, on a petition by one of John “Black Jack” Kehoe’s descendants and after an official investigation, Governor of Pennsylvania Milton Shapp posthumously pardoned Kehoe, who had proclaimed his innocence until his death (as had Alex Campbell). Shapp praised Kehoe and the others executed as “martyrs to labor” and heroes in a struggle for fair treatment for workers and the building of their trade union.

 

End

 

The Sons of Molly Maguire: 

 

Footnotes:

1  I gratefully acknowledge the listing of that wonderful voluntary and non-party organisation, the Irish National Graves Association, which has done such important work to document and honour those who have fallen in the struggle for freedom of the people of our land http://www.nga.ie/Civil%20War-77_Executions.php

2  In what one may see as a strange coincidence, among the Mollie victims of Vigilante violence were cousins of Pat O’Donnell, with whom he had stayed for some time. Pat O’Donnell shot dead Carey in 1883 because he had turned state evidence against the Invincibles (see https://rebelbreeze.wordpress.com/2014/12/17/pat-odonnell-patriot-or-murderer/).

3  Also sometimes referred to as “McParlan”. In addition some researchers have expressed the opinion that there in fact two McParlands, brothers, working for Pinkerton against the Molly Maguires.

 

JE NE SUIS PAS CHARLIE (YO NO SOY CHARLIE)

On By rebelbreezeIn Análises Político, Capitalismo, Liberación Nacional, Medios de Masas, SatireLeave a comment

José Antonio Gutiérrez D

Parto aclarando antes que nada, que considero una atrocidad el ataque a las oficinas de la revista satírica Charlie Hebdo en París y que no creo que, en ninguna circunstancia, sea justificable convertir a un periodista, por dudosa que sea su calidad profesional, en un objetivo militar. Lo mismo es válido en Francia, como lo es en Colombia o en Palestina.

Tampoco me identifico con ningún fundamentalismo, ni cristiano, ni judío, ni musulmán ni tampoco con el bobo-secularismo afrancesado, que erige a la sagrada “République” en una diosa.

Hago estas aclaraciones necesarias pues, por más que insistan los gurús de la alta política que en Europa vivimos en una “democracia ejemplar” con “grandes libertades”, sabemos que el Gran Hermano nos vigila y que cualquier discurso que se salga del libreto es castigado duramente.

Pero no creo que censurar el ataque en contra deCharlie Hebdo sea sinónimo de celebrar una revista que es, fundamentalmente, un monumento a la intolerancia, al racismo y a la arrogancia colonial. 

Miles de personas, comprensiblemente afectadas por este atentado, han circulado mensajes en francés diciendo “Je Suis Charlie” (Yo soy Charlie), como si este mensaje fuera el último grito en la defensa de la libertad. Pues bien, yo no soy Charlie.

No me identifico con la representación degradante y “caricaturesca” que hace del mundo islámico, en plena época de la llamada “Guerra contra el Terrorismo”, con toda la carga racista y colonialista que esto conlleva. No puedo ver con buena cara esa constante agresión simbólica que tiene como contrapartida una agresión física y real, mediante los bombardeos y ocupaciones militares a países pertenecientes a este horizonte cultural.

Tampoco puedo ver con buenos ojos estas caricaturas y sus textos ofensivos, cuando los árabes son uno de los sectores más marginados, empobrecidos y explotados de la sociedad francesa, que han recibido históricamente un trato brutal: no se me olvida que en el metro de París, a comienzos de los ‘60, la policía masacró a palos a 200 argelinos por demandar el fin de la ocupación francesa de su país, que ya había dejado un saldo estimado de un millón de “incivilizados” árabes muertos.

No se trata de inocentes caricaturas hechas por libre pensadores, sino que se trata de mensajes, producidos desde los medios de comunicación de masas (si, aunque pose de alternativo Charlie Hebdo pertenece a los medios de masas), cargados de estereotipos y odios, que refuerzan un discurso que entiende a los árabes como bárbaros a los cuales hay que contener, desarraigar, controlar, reprimir, oprimir y exterminar. Mensajes cuyo propósito implícito es justificar las invasiones a países del Oriente Medio así como las múltiples intervenciones y bombardeos que desde Occidente se orquestan en la defensa del nuevo reparto imperial. El actor español Willy Toledo decía, en una declaración polémica -por apenas evidenciar lo obvio-, que “Occidente mata todos los días. Sin ruido”. Y eso es lo que Charlie y su humor negro ocultan bajo la forma de la sátira.

No me olvido de la carátula del N°1099 de Charlie Hebdo, en la cual se trivializaba la masacre de más de mil egipcios por una brutal dictadura militar, que tiene el beneplácito de Francia y de EEUU, mediante una portada que dice algo así como “Matanza en Egipto. El Corán es una mierda: no detiene las balas”. La caricatura era la de un hombre musulmán acribillado, mientras trataba de protegerse con el Corán.

Charlie Hebdo cartoon referring to the attack on Egyptian protesters in which 1,000 were killed.
Charlie Hebdo cartoon referring to the attack on Egyptian protesters in which 1,000 were killed.

Habrá a quien le parezca esto gracioso. También, en su época, colonos ingleses en Tierra del Fuego creían que era gracioso posar en fotografías junto a los indígenas que habian “cazado”, con amplias sonrisas, carabina en mano, y con el pie encima del cadáver sanguinolento aún caliente.

En vez de graciosa, esa caricatura me parece violenta y colonial, un abuso de la tan ficticia como manoseada libertad de prensa occidental. ¿Qué ocurriría si yo hiciera ahora una revista cuya portada tuviera el siguiente lema: “Matanza en París. Charlie Hebdo es una mierda: no detiene las balas” e hiciera una caricatura del fallecido Jean Cabut acribillado con una copia de la revista en sus manos? Claro que sería un escándalo: la vida de un francés es sagrada. La de un egipcio (o la de un palestino, iraquí, sirio, etc.) es material “humorístico”. Por eso no soy Charlie, pues para mí la vida de cada uno de esos egipcios acribillados es tan sagrada como la de cualquiera de esos caricaturistas hoy asesinados. 

Ya sabemos que viene de aquí para allá: habrá discursos de defender la libertad de prensa por parte de los mismos países que en 1999 dieron la bendición al bombardeo de la OTAN, en Belgrado, de la estación de TV pública serbia por llamarla “el ministerio de mentiras”; que callaron cuando Israel bombardeo en Beirut la estación de TV Al-Manar en el 2006; que callan los asesinatos de periodistas críticos colombianos y palestinos. Luego de la hermosa retórica pro-libertad, vendrá la acción liberticida: más macartismo dizque “anti-terrorismo”, más intervenciones coloniales, más restricciones a esas “garantías democráticas” en vías de extinción, y por supuesto, más racismo.

Europa se consume en una espiral de odio xenófobo, de islamofobia, de anti-semitismo (los palestinos son semitas, de hecho) y este ambiente se hace cada vez más irrespirable. Los musulmanes ya son los judíos en la Europa del siglo XXI, y los partidos neo-nazis se están haciendo nuevamente respetables 80 años después gracias a este repugnante sentimiento. Por todo esto, pese a la repulsión que me causan los ataques de París, Je ne suis pas Charlie.

Sobre el autor: José Antonio Gutiérrez D. es militante libertario residente en Irlanda, donde participa en los movimientos de solidaridad con América Latina y Colombia, colaborador de la revista CEPA (Colombia) y El Ciudadano (Chile), así como del sitio web internacional www.anarkismo.net.  Autor de “Problemas e Possibilidades do Anarquismo” (en portugués, Faisca ed., 2011) y coordinador del libro “Orígenes Libertarios del Primero de Mayo en América Latina” (Quimantú ed. 2010). 

JE NE SUIS PAS CHARLIE (I AM NOT CHARLIE)

On By rebelbreezeIn Internationalist Solidarity, Mass Media Criticism, National Liberation, Political Analysis, SatireLeave a comment

By José Antonio Gutiérrez Dantón / Friday 9 January 2015 (translated from the original in Castillian)

 

To begin with, let me make it clear from the outset that I consider the attack on the satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo to be an atrocity and that I do not believe that it is justifiable under any circumstances to make a military target of a journalist, no matter what our opinion on the quality of his journalism may be. The same is valid in France, as it is in Colombia or in Palestine.

Also, nor do I identify with any fundamentalism, whether it be Christian, Jewish or Muslim, nor indeed with Frenchified mock-secularism either, which makes a goddess of the “République”.

I present these necessary explanations since no matter how much the high priests of politics insist that we live under an “exemplary democracy” with “great liberties”, we all know that Big Brother is watching us and that any speech outside the script is severely punished. But I believe that to condemn the attack on Charlie Hebdo is not the same as celebrating a magazine that is, fundamentally, a monument to intolerance, racism and colonial arrogance.

I cannot view with equanimity the constant symbolic aggression that has as its counterpart a physical and real aggression, which is the bombing and military occupation of countries belonging to this cultural horizon. Nor can I happily these cartoons and their offensive texts with a light heart, when Arabs are one of the most marginalized, impoverished and exploited sectors of French society which has historically been brutally treated.

I do not forget that in the early 1960s, in the Paris Metro, the police massacred 200 Algerians by clubbing, just because the latter were demanding an end to the French occupation of their country, which had already led to a total of a million dead “uncivilized” Arabs.

This is not about innocent cartoons drawn by free thinkers but rather about messages produced by mass media (yes, though in an alternative posture, Chalie Hebdo is part of the mass media), loaded with hatred and stereotypes reinforcing a discourse that considers the Arabs as barbarians to be contained, uprooted, controlled, represed, oppressed and exterminated. These are messages the implicit purpose of which is to justify the invasions of Middle Eastern countries as well as the many interventions and bombings orchestrated in the West in defence of the new imperial map. The Spanish film actor Willy Toledo controversially commented, no more than was obvious, that “The West kills every day. Silently.” And that is what Charlie and his black humour hides under the cover of satire.

I do not forget the front cover of Charlie Hebdo issue N°1099, in which it trivialized the massacre of more than a thousand Egyptians by a brutal military dictatorship which has the approval of the USA and of France, carrying a cartoon with a text declaring “Slaughter in Egypt. The Koran is shit: it doesnt stop bullets.” The cartoon showed a Muslim man riddled with bullets that had passed through a copy of the Koran, with which he had been trying to protect himself. Perhaps some find this funny. In their time too, the English colonists in Tierra del Fuego, Argentinia, thought it funny to have photographs of themselves taken, with wide smiles and rifle in hand, a foot on the corpses of the still-warm and bleeding bodies of the native people they had hunted.

Charlie Hebdo cartoon referring to the attack on Egyptian protesters in which 1,000 were killed.
Charlie Hebdo cartoon referring to the attack on Egyptian protesters in which 1,000 were killed.  Juxtaposed, an imaginary cartoon treating the attack on Charlie Hepdo in a similar manner.

Rather than funny, that cartoon to me seems violent and colonialist, an abuse of the fictitious and manipulated western freedom of the press. How would people react if I were to design a magazine cover bearing the following text: “Slaughter in Paris. Charlie Hebdo is shit: it doesn’t stop bullets” and made a cartoon of the deceased and gunned-down Jean Cabut holding a copy of the magazine in his hands? Clearly that would be outrageous: the life of a Frenchman is sacred. The life of an Egyptian (or Palestinian, Iraqi, a Syrian, etc.) is “humoristic” material. For that reason I am not Charlie, because for me, the life of each one of those Egyptians pestered is as sacred as is any of those caricaturists assassinated today.

We already know what to expect now: there will be speeches defending press freedom from countries which in 1999 gave their blessing to the NATO bombing of the Serbian public TV station in Belgrade, calling it “the Ministry of Lies”; countries that remained silent while Israel bombed the Al-Manar TV station in Beirut in 2006; those that respond with silence to the murders of Colombian and Palestinian critical journalists.

After the beautiful pro-freedom rhetoric will come the liberticide action: more McCarthyism, disguised colonial “anti-terrorism”, more colonial interventions, more restrictions of those “democratic guarantees” threatened with extinction and, of course, more racism.

Europe is consumed in a spiral of xenophobic hatred, islamophobia, anti-semitism (in fact, the Palestinians are Semitic) and this atmosphere has reached unbearable levels. The Muslims are already the Jews of 21st Century Europe and neo-Nazi parties are becoming respectable again, 80 years later, thanks to this detestable feeling.

Because of all this, in spite of the feelings of repulsion engendered in me by the Paris attack, Je ne suis pas Charlie.

Note on author:
José Antonio Gutiérrez D. is a libertarian political activist living in Ireland, where he participates in the movements of solidarity with Latin America and with Colombia, a contributor to the CEPA (Colombia) magazine and to El Ciudadano (Chile), and also to the international web page  www.anarkismo.net.  He is author of  “Problemas e Possibilidades do Anarquismo” (in Portuguese, Faisca ed., 2011) and coordinator of the book “Orígenes Libertarios del Primero de Mayo en América Latina” (Quimantú ed. 2010). 

BASQUE POLICE INJURE 94-YEAR-OLD WOMAN ON RAID TO CAPTURE BASQUE POLITICAL ACTIVIST IN GERNIKA

On By rebelbreezeIn Basque Country, Civil Rights, Euskal Herria, National Liberation, Political PrisonersLeave a comment

Diarmuid Breatnach (translation of material from Naiz and writing of article)

Julia Lanas Zamakola, 94 years of age, went shopping as usual in Gernika on Monday 15th December 2014 but ended up in hospital after the Ertzaintza, the Basque Police, raided the market to arrest a Basque political activist.

Julia Lanas, 94 years of age, struck and knocked to the ground by Basque police in raid to arrest a Basque activist in Gernika
Julia Lanas, 94 years of age, struck and knocked to the ground by Basque police in raid to arrest a Basque activist in Gernika

Jone Amezaga, a young female activist of the Basque pro-Independence Left movement, had been sentenced to 18 months’ jail for allegedly hanging a banner which the State Prosecutor said “glorified terrorism”. Jone denied doing it and said the Ertzaintza, the Basque police, had framed her and declined to present herself to the authorities.

Many things are considered by the Spanish state to be “glorifying terrorism”, including putting up photographs of Basque political prisoners in a public place, bar, café or social centre.

Elderly pensioner Julia Lanas said she had been pushed to the ground by the police during the raid. “My wrist was broken. It was an invasion, of terror. …. The Ertzaintza does not belong to the Basque (Autonomous) Government, they are nothing less than managers for imperial Spain.” “It reminded me of the Civil War,” she said and went on to say that she had survived the dictatorship (Franco’s) and the war and had relatives imprisoned and tortured.

Julia Lanas was given first aid by people in the crowd and then taken by ambulance to the Gernika hospital but they had to leave there because it was full. “There was a lot of solidarity” said Julia Lanas, referring to the crowd in support of Jone Amezaga and to the help she herself received. The 94 year-old woman was treated by the paramedics who then took her home and her son took her to hospital in Bilbao the following day. “The injury was from a telescopic baton,” she said.

 

94-year-old Basque woman Julia Lanas’ broken wrist and arm injury after police raid in Gernika
Julia Lanas’ injured leg after Basque police raid in Gernika

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

After a sustained tussle between uniformed and plain-clothes police and Jone Amezgaga, the Basque activist was taken prisoner by the Ertzaintza, some of whom used their batons on the crowd. Having secured their prisoner, the uniformed Ertzaintza then retreated backwards through the market, followed by the hostile crowd, until they gained the entrance, near to their vehicles and there stopped and faced their opposition.

Jone and her supporters had been expecting the police raid. In 2008 the Abertzale Left, the mass collective of organisations of the Basque pro-Independence Left, announced that they would henceforth use only peaceful methods in pursuit of their goal of self-determination, and the armed organization ETA subsequently declared their “permanent ceasefire”. The Spanish state’s response was to continue its repression of the movement.

The youth section of the Abertzale Left sought to find an appropriate method of resistance and developed the “human wall”. Some of the youth movement activists who had been sentenced by the State, instead of surrendering to the authorities or going “on the run”, presented themselves in public places, surrounded by supporters. The police – always the Basque police except in Nafarroa but sometimes backed by the Guardia Civil – then were obliged to spend a long time pulling people out of the “human wall” before reaching their quarry.

The first of these “human wall” resistance acts was at Donostia/ San Sebastian in April in 2013 when 500 mostly youth surrounded the six youths convicted of membership of SEGI, the Abertzale Left youth organization. SEGI is classed as a “terrorist organization” by the Spanish state and by the EU despite not a single conviction, even in Spanish courts, of an act of violence by the youth organization. The Donosti human wall was followed by another a month later on the bridge at the port of Ondarroa, when hundreds sat, arms linked, between Urtza Alkorta and the Ertzaintza. In October 2013 in Iruňa/ Pamplona, the Policía Nacional of the Spanish state had to dismantle another human wall of resistance to get at Luis Goňi, another youth convicted of SEGI membership. Last year there were two, one in Loiola (Azpeitia) for five youths and the one in Gernika. These “human walls” have now been constructed in three of the four southern Basque provinces (see video links below): Bizkaia, Gipuzkoa, Nafarroa – only Álava has yet to have one. Jone Amezaga’s arrest was the fifth occasion of the use of the “human wall” in the Basque Country and the second in the province of Bizkaia.

Amezaga, who refutes the charge and the police “evidence’ of “glorification of terrorism”, has been refused permission to remain at liberty while her appeal is being considered. Also it has been the custom of the Spanish state, in cases where the sentence is less than two years, for the convicted not to be taken to jail. The state declined to apply this custom in Amezaga’s case.

Jone Amezaga surrounded by supporters in Gernika prior to police raid
Jone Amezaga surrounded by supporters in Gernika prior to police raid


That Monday morning of the 15th December in Gernika, the town containing the ancient meeting place of the Basque chiefs and victim of the infamous bombing by Franco’s German bombers during the Civil War, the stalls were set out for the weekly market as usual. However, a number of events of a political nature also took place and the town was draped in the orange colours of LIBRE (“free” in Spanish), an organization created in 2013 to expose and resist Spanish state repression. Around noon, Jone made her appearance, no doubt marked by undercover police and soon afterwards the police raid took place.

Jone Amezaga surrounded by supporters with orange (LIBRE's colour) umbrellas prior to police raid in Gernika
Jone Amezaga surrounded by supporters with orange (LIBRE’s colour) umbrellas prior to police raid in Gernika


It was plain-clothed police who led the assault, a number of individuals, some seen in the video dressed in black-and-white tops and one in a green top. There is no evidence of their identifying themselves by display of their police cards, for example, but it is clear that Jone’s supporters are in no doubt as to who they are. The Ertzaintza, masked and helmeted, in their red-and-black uniforms soon join the fray and eventually Jone is taken into custody. The crowd chants partly in Castillian and partly in Basque: “Jone libre!” (Free Jone!); “Guard dogs of the System!” “Hired killers!” “Abuse of power!”

Jone Amezaga's face in the midst of the battle as supporters try to block the police arrest, 15 Dec 2014
Jone Amezaga’s face in the midst of the battle as supporters try to block the police arrest, 15 Dec 2014

While awaiting her appeal hearing, a wait which can take many months, Jone may be kept in any of the many prisons across the Spanish state (or across the French state, for those arrested there) throughout which political prisoners, most of which are Basque, are dispersed. She may also be transferred without warning to yet another jail. All this places an enormous strain on the visiting relatives and friends of such individuals — a financial, organizational, emotional and physical strain. And of course there are those who through infirmity are unable for journeys of thousands of kilometres. A number of serious traffic accidents occur on those journeys every year and to date twelve Basque prisoners’ relatives and friends thave lost their lives in those accidents..

End.

Links:

Photo Basque police injury to 94-year-old woman arm Gernika raid: http://www.naiz.eus/media/asset_publics/resources/000/134/771/news_landscape/emakumea_zauria.jpg?1418662774

Photo Basque police injury to 94-year-old woman leg Gernika raid: http://www.naiz.eus/media/asset_publics/resources/000/134/772/original/zauritua.jpg

Video police battle with crowd to capture Jone Amezaga – plainclothes police first Dec2014: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YXK9RqGry9Y#t=325

Video police battle with crowd to capture five youth Loiola Sep2014: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ulFkBGNE2_A

Video police battle with crowd to capture five Luis Goňi Oct2013: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TmRb0Nd3jxQ

Video police battle with crowd to capture Urtza Alkorta on Bridge Ondarroa May2013: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ar5FaKwr8L8

Video police battle with crowd to capture five youth Donosti April 2013: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dRd4JlbaD08

A LA REVOLUCIÓN O A LA TRANSICIÓN?

On By rebelbreezeIn Análises Político, Basque Country, Capitalismo, Euskal Herria, Liberación Nacional, Luchas Obreras, País Vasco, Proceso de Paz, Revolución SocialistaLeave a comment

                                            Diarmuid Breatnach

Reflexiones en leer el Editorial GARA Marzo 25 2012 (reflexiones republicadas por mi en enero del 2015 sin me parece necesitar cambiar nada).  Como se atreve uno que ni siquiera vive en Euskal Herria, a pronunciar sobre las tácticas y estrategias de procesos revolucionarios en ese país?  Pues me atrevo por saber algo de la historia del país, de su circunstancias actuales y por querer mucho que los sacrificios de su pueblo tengan éxito.  Y me atrevo por saber algo de la historia del capitalismo y del colonialismo y de la clase obrera en general.  Y me atrevo por que la logica no se confina a un país ni a otro, si no a todo el mundo.

En Marzo 2012 se anticipaba una huelga general en Euskal Herria como parte de huelga general en el Estado Español.  En GARA apareció un artículo que me parecía importante.  Y yo, un “scotus” con algo de sangre de los “vascones”, comenté sobre ello, pero con poquísimas avenidas de publicar en Euskal Herria.

La mayoría sindical vasca, los sindicatos ELA y LAB con algunos otros en manifestación de huelga en el 29 Marzo 2012.
La mayoría sindical vasca, los sindicatos ELA y LAB con algunos otros en manifestación de huelga en el 29 Marzo 2012.

 Gara, Marzo 25 2012:

“……….. Así las cosas, lo peor que le puede ocurrir a una huelga general es que se convierta en un objetivo en sí misma, incluso en un ritual periódico, y no en una herramienta de transformación efectiva de la actual situación. Por ello, resulta importante que el 29M sea un día de fuerte respuesta en Euskal Herria, pero es imprescindible que sea sobre todo el primer día de la construcción de una poderosa alternativa de cambio real.” (GARA)

De acuerdo

“El atasco mental que evidencia la izquierda a nivel planetario demuestra que no es fácil articularla, pero sería exigible al menos que la huelga general del jueves dé paso a una agenda sobre la que empezar a construir otro futuro. O, más bien, a dos agendas: una inmediata, de resistencia frente a la sucesión de ataques que se viene produciendo y que sirva al menos para paliar los daños irreversibles que provoca,“ (GARA)

De acuerdo

“y otra a medio-largo plazo, que tenga como horizonte el logro de la soberanía vasca, único antídoto efectivo dado que de Madrid y París no se puede esperar otra cosa que no sea ruina, desigualdad, especulación y desmovilización.” (GARA)

¿QUE? ¿Que una nación, en liberarse de la dominación de un estado, solamente con eso se garantiza el escape de los efectos del capitalismo? ¡Des de luego que no, señores! Solamente el socialismo nos puede liberar de tal efectos y aún es posible que tampoco con eso se libre si nos quedamos adentro de un mundo mayoritariamente capitalista.

“Una sociedad con derechos y deberes

“Estas dos agendas deberían ir en paralelo y alimentarse mutuamente. Argumentar que nada se puede hacer hasta que Euskal Herria sea soberana y renunciar a las capacidades de las que ya dispone en todos los ámbitos sería como caminar mirando solo al horizonte para acabar tropezando en la primera piedra. Del mismo modo, apuntar con la mirada solo al suelo y perder la referencia de objetivos finales también lleva a perder el rumbo…” (GARA)

De acuerdo.

Pero ahora quiero hablar del “agenda a medio-largo plazo”, lo cual, si somos socialistas o comunistas revolucionarios (y tratando de Euskal Herria), debe de tratar de hacer preparaciones para tomar el poder para la clase obrera en esa nación. De eso no habla GARA nada.

Cuando se desea una ruptura revolucionaria con la lucha de la clase obrera de un pueblo, se suele pensar en la huelga general de un día solamente como un etapa, lo mismo que lo a dicho el editorial de GARA. Da carácter popular y obrera a la resistencia, moviliza a las masas, la clase y el pueblo siente su poder, se fortalecen los militantes y el pueblo en lucha contra la represión, se aprenden lecciones de organizar, de movilizar, de lucha….

¿Pero que sería la segunda etapa? Pues de movilizar todavía mas gente y de llegar a un enfrentamiento mas fuerte con el estado y con la clase capitalista… ¿Por qué? Por que el objetivo es tomar el poder – un acto revolucionario, no una transición a algún nuevo capitalismo nacional.

Dependiendo de los acontecimientos, en esa situación ante-revolucionaria, se podría ver algunos de una variedad de tácticas, incluso a todos. Huelgas generales de tres días, de semana o más largo todavía, manifestaciones, desobediencia civil, barricadas, kale borroka, responder a la represión con devolver la agresión en contra de los agentes de la misma. Y en cuando se pueda, pasar a la insurrección.

Bueno, el liderazgo de la IA ya ha dicho que no se puede tener lucha armada. Entonces será difícil imaginar como se va a pasar a la insurrección, pero no difícil imaginar como las fuerzas de la represión van a responder y, si esos sean los únicos que tengan las armas, como va a terminar el asunto.

Pero armada la insurrección o no, está claro que ninguno de los dos estados, el francés ni el español, van a sentarse en sus manos y hacer nada. Claro que no – lo van a tratar de impedir, a luchar con dientes y garras.

¿Sería la clase obrera y el pueblo Vasco capaz de resistir la represión militar de esos estados, con sus soldados y policía, sus tanques, sus aviones? En lucha directa, el uno en contra del otro, no, que va. Y los estados serían capaces de bombardear las ciudades para aplastar la revolución – lo verían mejor eso que perder una zona de sus estados y de explotación, y además con la reconstrucción después, algunos capitalistas van a tener un bonanza.

Pues, si es así, el movimiento revolucionario tiene que mantenerse preparado a que llega un tiempo en que el estado no sería capaz de usar las fuerzas armadas. Solamente hay dos situaciones en que eso sucedería: invasión de otro país al estado o guerra civil. Si las situaciones dentro de los estados español y francés fueran tan graves que no eran capaces de enviar sus fuerzas armadas a aplastar la gente en Euskal Herria, entonces si que sería capaz de tener éxito la revolución Vasca, con ellos haciendo frente a las fuerzas represivas locales que no se rindieron.

La lógica de este planteamiento es no solamente que hay que hacer preparaciones para ir mas allá de la huelga general a la insurrección, si no que se debe de ayudar al proceso de resistencia en el resto de los estados, en todos lugares pero especialmente en el centro del Estado Español – en Castilla!

Fin

El ‘Proceso de Paz Irlandés’ – ¿buena iniciativa o engaňo imperialista?

On By rebelbreezeIn Análises Político, Historia, Irlanda, Liberación Nacional, Proceso de Paz, Republicanismo IrlandesLeave a comment

Un articulo escrito por mi en el 2010 — poco necesitaba cambiar para representar la realidad actual si no fuera para reinforzar el discurso con datos peores.

Diarmuid Breatnach

 Hoy en día Irlanda está en las noticias por las deudas especuladoras y la ruina de los bancos, convertida en deuda soberana, con la intervención del FMI y el peligro a la UE y al sistema del euro.  Pero hay otro problema de soberanía más antigua, la de ser colonia de la Gran Bretaña, poder contra el cual Irlanda lleva enfrentándose siglos. Así viene luchando por su libertad desde 1916-1922, y otra vez en la guerra que empezó en 1969 y que terminó, nos cuentan, con el Acuerdo de Viernes Santo.

La historia general del movimiento revolucionario republicano irlandés es de siglos, llena de valor y coraje, de sacrificios enormes, de miles de mártires y de mucha importancia para el movimiento mundial en contra del colonialismo y el imperialismo.  Por ejemplo, los revolucionarios de la India a finales del siglo XVIII y principios del XIX, estuvieron en contacto con republican@s irlandes@s, prestando gran atención a lo que ocurría en Irlanda. 

 La Rebelión de Pascua en 1916 ocurrió en una ciudad, Dublín,  por muchos en esos anos considerada la segunda ciudad principal del Imperio Británico y sus noticias llegaron a cada rincón de este, además de la repercusión que tuvo en otros lugares. 

El Hotel Metropole en O'Connell Street, la calle principal de Dublín. después del bombardeo británico de 1916. Estaba situada donde hoy en día están las tiendas Penney's y Eason's.
El Hotel Metropole en O’Connell Street, la calle principal de Dublín. después del bombardeo británico de 1916. Estaba situada donde hoy en día están las tiendas Penney’s y Eason’s.

Otro ejemplo, es el impacto que causó en  Ho Chi Minh, cuando estuvo trabajando en Londres, el presenciar la procesión-funeral del Alcalde de Cork, Mc Sweeney, que murió en la cárcel de Brixton en Londres después de la huelga de hambre de 76 días.

Pero, la historia del movimiento republicano irlandés también es una historia llena de escisiones,  de reformismo, de traición.  

Los principales partidos politicos

Después de una guerra y de la liberación parcial del país en el 1921, el movimiento republicano irlandés sufrió una escisión enorme que terminó en la Guerra Civil en el 1922.  El nuevo gobierno irlandés, cuyos fuerza armada ganó en contra de los republicanos, era conservador y represivo y su partido político derechista evolucionó al Fine Gael, uno de los dos principales partidos de la burguesía irlandesa (actualmente).

 El partido republicano, el Sinn Féin, al igual que su ejercito el IRA, fueron vencidos por el ejercito del nuevo estado, un estado neo-colonialista, y tuvieron que sufrir la represión.

Bombardeo por el ejército del nuevo estado de Irlanda en el 1922 contra los Four Courts, la guarnición general de los Republicanos, empezando la Guerra Civil de Irlanda.
Bombardeo por el ejército del nuevo estado de Irlanda en el 1922 contra los Four Courts, la guarnición general de los Republicanos, empezando la Guerra Civil de Irlanda.

 

Pasaron aňos, y otra escisión  tuvo lugar en el partido republicano, cuando De Valera formó un partido nuevo reformista, el Fianna Fáil, que hoy en día es el otro partido político principal de la burguesía irlandesa. 

El tercer partido principal del sistema capitalista irlandés es el Labour Party (Partido Laboral), una mutación torcida del Partido Socialista Republicano de James Connolly, fusilado por los británicos en 1916.  El Partido Laboral ha alcanzado el poder solamente tres veces un su historia, cada vez en coalición y dos de ellas con el partido de derechas, Fine Gael (donde está actualmente).  El gobierno de los aňos 1973-1977 fue lo más represivo que sufrió Irlanda desde los aňos posteriores a su Guerra Civil.

 

Campaňas del IRA

Entre los aňos 1956-1962, el IRA inició una campaňa militar, “la Campaňa de la Frontera”, en la cual atacaron a los británicos alrededor de la frontera entre los Seis Condados (ocupados por los británicos) y el resto de Irlanda.  No tuvo éxito.

 En los aňos ’60 del pasado siglo, parecía que Sinn Féin se estaba convirtiendo en un partido popular socialista y anti-imperialista.  En la mayor parte de Irlanda, los 26 Condados, Sinn Féin inició campaňas sobre cuestiones económicas, como acerca de problemas de vivienda,  tambien sobre soberanía, como por ejemplo sobre la propiedad de la tierra, ya que todavía se tenía que pagar rentas a terratenientes británicos. 

 En el Norte, en los 6 Condados, tomaron parte en el movimiento por los Derechos Civiles.  Campaña que fue respondida por parte del Estado con represión, y, cuando esta no fue suficiente, recurrieron a una ola de violencia sectaria en 1969. 

 Por entonces los militantes del Norte se enteraron que Sinn Féin y la jefatura del IRA se habían deshecho de casi todas sus armas y el IRA tuvo muy pocas para defender sus distritos en Derry y en Belfast en contra de los asaltos de los lealistas y la policía colonial británica.  Se veía entonces claro que la  trayectoria de Sinn Féin había sido reformista, aunque muchos de los republicanos del norte lo veían como el resultado de ir “demasiado al socialismo” o de “concentrarse demasiado en la política”.  Un aňo después, en 1970, Sinn Féin tuvo otra vez una escisión, de allí salió el Sinn Féin Provisional y el IRA Provisional. 

 Los que se quedaron se llamaron Sinn Féin Oficial y su rama militar, el IRA(O) (IRA Oficial), usó sus armas casi exclusivamente en contra de sus ex-compaňeros, los Provisionales.  Cuatro aňos después, en 1974, los Oficiales sufrieron otra escisión y de allí vino el Irish Republican Socialist Party (Partido Socialista Republicana Irlandesa) y el INLA (Ejercito Irlandés para Liberación Nacional).

Miembros del IRA (O) y del INLA se mataron entre sí, asi como entre miembros del INLA y del IRA(P

 Mas adelante, el IRSP y la INLA sufrieron otras escisiones hasta quedar divididas en  cuatro partes, matándose unos a otros.

Los Provisionales, mientras tanto, siguieron con su lucha militar y política en contra del Imperio Británico, pero sin dirigirse mucho en contra del estado neo-colonialista en el sur.  Muchos militantes cayeron.  El pueblo nacionalista de los 6 Condados se unió alrededor de Sinn Féin (P) y del IRA (P) pero no se veía fin al conflicto de tantos aňos.  Buscando salida a ello, Sinn Féin empezó a plantearse alianzas con la izquierda del Partido Laboral Británico, también con los políticos de origen irlandés que habia en el partido Demócrata de los Estados Unidos, y con la base nacionalista de Fianna Fáil, partido de la burguesía irlandesa en los 26 Condados 

El Acuerdo de Viernes Santo

Ninguna de estas posibles alianzas era revolucionaria ni tenia potencialidad revolucionaria.

 En 1998, como parte de esta iniciativa, Sinn Féin  firmó el Acuerdo de Viernes Santo.

Los dirigentes de Sinn Féin dijeron a su base que sus objetivos eran abrir un espacio para poder hablar de la autodeterminación y la reunificación de Irlanda.

 En repuesta a una pregunta en una conferencia con la comunidad irlandesa en Londres en los aňos ‘90, el enviado de Sinn Féin dijo que no le parecía que los Británicos estuvieran predispuestos ya a ir hacia eso,  y que los objetivos de Sinn Féin eran ocasionar divisiones entre los lealistas (o ampliar las divisiones que ya existían) así como ganar acceso a los medios de comunicación.

Es cierto que las divisiones entre los lealistas  empeoraban, pero la principal consecuencia de esto ha sido reemplazar un partido político unionista británico principal por otro.

Tambien es verdad que Sinn Féin ha ganado acceso a los medios de comunicación; aunque continuan criticando que no hay igualdad con respecto a los otros partidos politicos principales. Sin embargo, se puede leer con frecuencia en los periódicos declaraciones suyas o verles en programas de televisión donde varios personas dan sus opiniones sobre asuntos corrientes. 

Pero, no se ve ningún paso en los 15 aňos del Acuerdo de Viernes Santo hacia los objetivos principales (según SF) del partido: Irlanda liberada de Inglaterra, reunificada, Gaélica y socialista.  Cuando se les pregunta a SF donde están las ganancias del Proceso, contestan que el partido ha aumentado su representación en el parlamento Irlandés y que son parte del gobierno de los 6 Condados del norte.  De los objetivos, nos dicen que hay que esperar a cuando tengan suficientes representantes en el parlamento Irlandés para efectuar los cambios que se quieren.

 Si, es cierto que son parte de una administración colonialista en el norte, que ataca a los pobres con recortes en las subvenciones para los servicios sociales, y que baja los sueldos de los trabajadores municipales, de los de sanidad y de enseňanza.  En el parlamento Irlandés, tiene 14 diputados en un total de 166 y no parece que en el futuro cercano vayan a lograr muchos más.

?Nos podemos preguntar, ¿para eso murieron tantos guerriller@s y tantos luchadores? 

Presos y presas republicanos y republicanas

SF nos dice que el Proceso es resultado del sacrificio de Bobby Sands y de los otros seis presos, miembros del IRA(P) (los otros tres eran del INLA), y que para eso murieron en huelga de hambre en 1981.  Eso no se sabe, pues lo único que sabemos es que lucharon por la liberación de Irlanda y que hablaron de justicia y de socialismo, de la dignidad humana y de la solidaridad internacional.  Pero si sabemos que sacrificaron sus vidas en la lucha para el reconocimiento del estatus político de los presos republicanos.  Y también sabemos que la rendición de ese status ha sido una de las condiciones de aquel Acuerdo de Viernes Santo.  

Claro, los presos del IRA(P) salieron de la cárcel (menos uno), pero quedaron adentro los que pertenecían al CIRA, al RIRA y al INLA (hasta que los del INLA firmaron también el acuerdo).  Hoy en día tienen, entre las cárceles irlandesas y británicas, alrededor de 100 pres@s republican@s.  Y los presos de Maghaberry, en el norte, están ahora en campaňa por los Derechos y para que  los guardias británicos dejen de quitarles su ropa para cachearles cada vez que vienen y van del juzgado, también acosando a familiares que les visitan, acusándoles de llevar drogas (aunque entre los presos nunca se  hayan encontrado) y dando por terminadas o prohibiendo visitas por meras “sospechas”, sin que haya ninguna prueba 

?Existían alternativas?

 Cuando empezaron SF(P con el ‘proceso de paz’, lo hicieron por que se sintieron bloqueados, que estaban perdiendo el impulso que habían renovado en 1981 y que ya llevaban -el IRA (P ) –  20 años en  guerra. ¿ Tenían otras alternativas en vez de ese Acuerdo?  Parece que si. 

Podrían haber buscado alianzas con la comunidad de irlandeses en Gran Bretaňa, ya que eran alrededor de un 10% de la población en las ciudades mas grandes.  No lo hicieron.

 Podrían haber buscado alianzas con la clase trabajadora de la Gran Bretaňa.  Tampoco lo hicieron, y en su lugar buscaron alianzas con la izquierda oportunista del Partido Laboral.  Podrían haber encabezado a la clase trabajadora del los 26 Condados, es decir de la mayor parte de Irlanda – pero tampoco lo hicieron.  No se movían en los sindicatos ni tampoco hicieron esfuerzo serio de iniciar un nuevo sindicato de lucha.  No se movilizaron en contra de la emigración enorme que afectaba a la juventud

 Si se movilizaron en contra del narcotráfico y por ello les persiguió la policía.  Pero trataban igual al cannabis que a la heroína. Y al mismo tiempo vendían alcohol en sus clubes (legales e ilegales), a gente que se emborrachaba.  Además tenían negocio de contrabando con cigarros.  Es bien conocido que la nicotina y el alcohol son las dos drogas que mas daňo hacen en Irlanda, así como en la mayor parte del mundo.

 SF podría haber luchado por los derechos sociales en las dos partes de Irlanda, pero tampoco lo hicieron.  No apoyaron al derecho al aborto en el referéndo.  Apoyaron débilmente y tarde el derecho al divorcio en otro referéndum.  Los líderes de SF tuvieron miedo a perder esa parte de su base que es católica y conservadora.  En esos referendos, eran los social-demócratas y los grupos pequeños de izquierda revolucionaria quienes encabezaron la lucha por esos derechos sociales básicos.

 SF también podría haber luchado en contra de la emigración que cada año hacia que tuviera que marchar la mayor parte de la juventud. Esto era una hemorragia que sufrieron las familias de la clase trabajadora, pero igualmente la mayoría de la clase media.  Tampoco lo hicieron.

 Sinn Féin tenia la opción de meterse en la lucha laboral; por qué no,¿ no se llaman socialistas a si mismos?  Pero tampoco lo hicieron.  Por un tiempo SF tuvo un miembro que  encabezaba uno de los mayores sindicatos, pero llegó a acuerdos, con un pacto social con el gobierno y la burguesía, que supusieron perdidas para la clase trabajadora.  SF no ha hecho nunca trabajo de organización en las bases de los sindicatos.  Tampoco es capaz de hacer trabajo ideológico socialista: su propaganda de cara a la crisis financiera capitalista es parecida a la de los partidos y sindicatos social-demócratas y fue muy tarde cuando enunciaron el lema que la crisis la paguen los que la crearon.

 Sinn Féin y el IRA Provisional, después de muchos años, de dura lucha, con muchos sacrificios, pero en cual se negaron a buscar alianzas revolucionarias, ni internacionalistas ni dentro de Irlanda, terminaron por tomar un camino reformista, y aún más, bastante conservador.  Ahora buscan votos y la mayoría de sus esfuerzos quedan en elegir diputados al parlamento Irlandés. En 2010 Adams, Presidente del Sinn Féin, dió la bienvenida a la noticia que Obama intentaba visitar a Irlanda en mayo. En el mismo mes, se esperaba la visita de la Reina del Reino Unido y McGuinness comentó que la gente no debe protestar en contra de ella.

a de sus esfuerzos quedan en elegir diputados al parlamento Irlandés. En 2010 Adams, Presidente del Sinn Féin, dió la bienvenida a la noticia que Obama intentaba visitar a Irlanda en mayo. En el mismo mes, se esperaba la visita de la Reina del Reino Unido y McGuinness comentó que la gente no debe protestar en contra de ella.  

No solo la lucha por el socialismo, en el cual SF no tomó nunca parte, sino también la lucha por la autodeterminación, lo tendrán que llevar a cabo otros.

 Todo, se tendrá que hacer de nuevo.

FIN

LÁ FHÉILE STIOFÁIN/ ST. STEPHENS’ DAY

On By rebelbreezeIn Cultural Comment, Folk Custom, History, Ireland, Irish Diaspora, Irish Republicanism, Irlanda, La Diáspora Irlandesa, National Liberation, social commentary, Song, Tradición, Traditions & Folk CustomLeave a comment

Diarmuid  Breatnach
(Traducido al castellano al fondo)

Singing Wren 46 (Michael Finn)

(Reading time: 5 minutes)

  ” We made it!  We made it!  Safe for another year!”

Wren on rock

 

 

 

“Shut up, you idiot!  The day’s not over yet!”

 

 

Meanwhile, not far away ….

Wren Boys Sligo
Mummers Sligo maybe

THE WREN-BOY TRADITION IN IRELAND

In England it is called “Boxing Day” but in Ireland the 26th of December is “St. Stephen’s Day”.  Despite the Christian designation it has long been the occasion in Ireland for customs much closer to paganism.

It was common for a group of boys (usually) to gather and hunt down a wren.  The wren can fly but tends to do so in short bursts from bush to bush and so can be hunted down by determined boys.  The bird might be killed or kept alive, tied to a staff or in a miniature bower constructed for the occasion.

The Wren Boys would then parade it from house to house while they themselves appeared dressed in costume and/or with painted faces.  In some areas they might only carry staff or wands decorated with colourful ribbons and metallic paper while they might in other areas dress in elaborate costumes, some of them made of straw (Straw Boys) and these were sometimes also known as Mummers although a distinction should be drawn between these two groups.  The Mummers in particular would have involved acting repertoires with traditional character roles and costumes, music and dance routines while the simpler Wren Boys might each just contribute a short dance, piece of music or song.  In all cases traditional phrases were used upon arrival, the Mummers having the largest repertoire for in fact they were producing a kind of mini-play.

The origins of the customs are the subject of debate but a number of Irish folk tales surround the wren.  The bird is said in one story to have betrayed the Gaels to the Vikings, leading to the defeat of the former.  There is a Traveller tradition that accuses the wren of betraying Jesus Christ to soldiers while another tradition has the bird supplying the nails (its claws) for the crucifixion of Jesus Christ.  Yet another tradition has the wren as King of the Birds, having used its cunning in a competition to determine who would be the avian King, hiding itself under the Eagle’s wind and flying out above the exhausted bird when it seemed to have won, having left all others behind and could fly no higher.

By the 1960s the Wren Boy custom was beginning to die out even in areas where it had held fast but it slowly began to be revived by some enthusiasts.  Nowadays fake wrens are used.  Christmas Day in Ireland was traditionally a day to go to religious service and to spend at home with family or to go visiting neighbours.  It was not a day of presents or of lights or Christmas Trees, customs brought in by the English colonizers in particular from Prince Albert, the British Queen Victoria’s royal consort, who was German.  St. Stephen’s Day may have celebrated the Winter Solstice (the wren being a bird that on occasion sings even in winter) but moved to a Christian feast day; in any case it produced colour and excitement at a time which did not have the religious and commercial Christmas season to which, in decades, we have become accustomed.

The lovely song The Boys of Barr na Sráide from a poem by Sigerson Clifford takes as its binding thread the boys in his childhood with whom Sigurson went “hunting the wren”.  It is sung here by Muhammed Al-Hussaini (currently resident in London and part of the singing circle of Comhaltas Ceoltóirí na hÉireann, meeting in the Camden Irish Centre).  There are recordings of others performing this song well but the unusual origin of this one as well as its quality persuaded me to choose this one.  In addition, I had the pleasure of participating in a singing circle with this lovely and modest singer in London in October this year (see The London Visit on the blog), who greeted me in Irish.  Muhammed also plays the violin on this, accompanied by Mark Patterson on mandolin and Paul Sims on guitar.

ends.

LA TRADICIÓN DE “CHICOS DEL REYEZUELO” EN IRLANDA

Diarmuid Breatnach


En Inglaterra se llama “Boxing Day”, pero en Irlanda el 26 de diciembre es “la fiesta de San Esteban“. A pesar de la designación cristiana, ha sido durante mucho tiempo la ocasión en Irlanda de costumbres mucho más cercanas al paganismo.

          Para eso era común que un grupo de niños (generalmente) o chavales se reuniera y cazara a un reyezuelo. Ese pájaro es capaz de volar pero tiende a hacerlo en ráfagas cortas de arbusto a arbusto y, por lo tanto, puede ser cazado por niños determinados. El pájaro podía ser asesinado o mantenido vivo, atado a un bastón o en una glorieta en miniatura construida para la ocasión.

Los “Wren Boys” (Chicos del Reyezuelo) lo desfilarían de casa en casa mientras ellos mismos aparecían vestidos con disfraces y / o con caras pintadas. En algunas áreas, solo pueden llevar bastos o varitas decoradas con cintas de colores y papel metálico, mientras que en otras áreas pueden vestirse con trajes elaborados, algunos de ellos hechos de paja (Straw Boys/ Buachaillí TuI = Chicos de la Paja) y a veces también se los conoce como Mummers, aunque se debe hacer una distinción entre estos dos grupos. Los Mummers en particular tenían repertorios involucrados de actuación con roles y disfraces de personajes tradicionales, música y rutinas de baile, mientras que los Wren Boys más simples podrían contribuir con un baile corto, una pieza musical o una canción. En todos los casos se usaron frases tradicionales a la llegada, los Mummers tenían el mayor repertorio porque de hecho estaban produciendo una especie de pequeño teatro. Se les daba dinero , pastel o caramelos.

Los orígenes de las costumbres son objeto de debate, pero una serie de cuentos populares irlandeses rodean al reyezuelo. En una historia se dice que el pájaro traicionó a los Gaels a los Vikingos, lo que llevó a la derrota de los primeros. Hay una tradición de los Travellers (gente étnica nómada de Irlanda) que acusa al reyezuelo de traicionar a Jesucristo a los soldados, mientras que otra tradición dice que el pájaro suministra los tornillos (sus garras) para la crucifixión de Jesucristo. Sin embargo, otra tradición le tiene al reyezuelo como el Rey de los Pájaros, después de haber usado su astucia en una competencia para determinar quién sería el Rey de las aves, escondiéndose bajo el viento del Águila y volando por encima del pájaro agotado cuando parecía haber ganado, todos los demás detrás y no poder volar más alto.

En la década de 1960, la costumbre de Wren Boy comenzaba a desaparecer incluso en áreas donde se había mantenido firme, pero algunos entusiastas comenzaron a revivirla lentamente. Hoy en día se usan reyezuelos falsos. El día de Navidad en Irlanda era tradicionalmente un día para ir al servicio religioso y para pasarlo en casa con la familia o para visitar a los vecinos. No fue un día de regalos ni de luces ni de árboles de Navidad, costumbres traídas por los colonizadores ingleses en particular del alemán Príncipe Alberto, el consorte real de la Reina Victoria británica. El día de San Esteban puede haber celebrado el solsticio de invierno (el reyezuelo es un pájaro que en ocasiones canta incluso en invierno) pero se mudó a una fiesta cristiana; en cualquier caso, produjo color y emoción en un momento que no tenía la temporada de Navidad religiosa ni entonces la comercial a la que, en décadas, nos hemos acostumbrado.

La encantadora canción The Boys of Barr na Sráide (mezcla del inglés con el gaélico: “Los Chicos de la Altura de la Calle” [toponómico de puebo en el Condado de Kerry]) de un poema por Sigerson Clifford toma como hilo conductor a los chicos de su infancia con quienes Sigurson fue “cazando al reyezuelo”. Aquí lo canta Muhammed Al-Hussaini (actualmente residente en Londres y parte del círculo de canto de Comhaltas Ceoltóirí na hÉireann, reunido en el Centro Irlandés de Camden). Hay grabaciones de otros interpretando bien esta canción, pero el origen inusual de esta, así como su calidad, me convenció para elegir esta. Además, tuve el placer de participar en un círculo de canto con este encantador y modesto cantante en Londres en octubre de este año (ver The London Visit en el blog), que me recibió en irlandés. Muhammed también toca el violín en esto, acompañado por Mark Patterson con mandolina y Paul Sims con guitarra.

Fin.

Patsy O’Connor: The lonely grave of a Fianna scout

On By rebelbreezeIn Capitalism, History, Ireland, Irish Left, Irish Republicanism, National Liberation, Workers' StrugglesLeave a comment

EXCELLENT ARTICLE BY JASON WALSH-McLEAN (and posted by Éamon Martin on Irish Volunteer.org). Reproduced here by kind permission of both.

The article would be worth reading for the research methodology alone, from which anyone thinking of carrying out research can learn and apply.

This individual definitely needs a memorial and a proper grave marking.

https://fiannaeireannhistory.wordpress.com/2014/12/22/patsy-oconnor-the-lonely-grave-of-a-fianna-scout/

 

Eamon Murphy's avatarThe History of Na Fianna Éireann

Patsy O'Connor grave

The final resting place of Patsy o’Connor at Plot UE 18 St.. Paul’s Glasnevin.

The following story and research is by local Dublin historian Jason Walsh-McLean. Thanks to Jason for sending in this excellent account of the life and death of Patsy O’Connor and his own journey in uncovering the remarkable tale of this brave Fianna scout. We have featured Patsy before on this page a number of times. Here is his story:

It was during the Lockout centenary year of 2013 that I finally got around to reading Pádraig Yeates’ seminal work on the subject Lockout – Dublin 1913. It had been purchased as a birthday present for me some years previously by my Mother. Being a bit of a “trivia buff” when it comes to these things, I noticed upon completing the book that there was no mention of Patsy O’Connor of Na Fianna Éireann, whose name…

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A CHRISTMAS STORY (with the participant’s own stories)

On By rebelbreezeIn Creative writing, Satire, Short StoryLeave a comment

Diarmuid Breatnach (with initial contribution from another Breatnach)

(Extracts from interviews reprinted variously by kind permission of The Palestinian Prophet, Judean Eye, Jerusalem Sentinel and The Samaritan Times)

The Shepherd’s story:

“Hey, man, we’d just settled the sheep down and were settling down ourselves, chilling out with a bong before sleep, you know? Then there was this light in the sky, and a bloody heavenly choir of angels, I swear to God!

“No, man, we weren’t tripping; the bloody sheep all woke and wouldn’t go back to sleep. So in the end, we couldn’t get any sleep either, what with strange light in the sky, angels singing, and sheep baa-ing. So we went down into town, and that’s where we found the Travellers, with their newborn baby.

“We didn’t have anything to give them except a draw or two and we didn’t know whether they were into that, so we brought along a lamb for the grown-ups’ dinner.

“They said the baby was a King, and him in a stable! Well we didn’t like to contradict them or anything, so we played along with it. And while we were there, didn’t this caravan come by with these three old geezers, who said they were looking for the baby King! Yeah, that was kind of strange, all right.”

Mary’s story:

“It was before my first wuz born. That Gaybriel, he came to tell me I was going to be pregnant – didn’t he Joseph?”

“Yes, dear, so you told me”.

“Yeah, he minces in out of nowhere, appears in my Mum’s living room, and tells me I’m going to have a baby! And I hadn’t even been with a man, had I Joseph?”

“No dear. So you …. No dear.”

“So when I was near my time – I was huge by then, you know – we had to go off to Jerusalem. It was a long journey and I was knackered and so was poor Joseph. I said to him, I said ‘Joseph, you’ve got to sit your arse down somewhere warm, and so have I.’ So Joseph went and asked in a few bed and breakfast places, but they was all full. Wasn’t they, Joseph?

I said, Joseph, they was all full, wasn’t they?

“Yes, Mary, they was all full”.

“So after a while, someone let us stay in his stable! Well, it was warmer than outside, and it was great to sit down, but the straw was scratchy, you know what I mean? Well we wasn’t there more than half an hour when me waters broke. I started to cry, and I said to Joseph: ‘Our first child is going to be born in a stable; what kind of a start is that in life for a child?’ I was really upset you know. So that was where he was born. And they called him names is school years later, like ‘Donkey’, and ‘Stable Boy” – didn’t they, Joseph?”

“Yes, Mary, they did”.

The Wise Men’s from the East story:

Balthazar: “We had met up, the three of us, at the previous year’s Annual Conference of the AWM … Oh, you don’t know? That’s our association, the Association for Wise Men! You’ve heard of us, of course? No? How peculiar! Where did you say you were from?

“Anyway, we had met up, and we’d had such a great time together, that we arranged to meet up again. And when we did, we were discussing this interesting prophesy, about a sign in the heavens, and the birth of a King, etc., and then what should we see but this strange star in the night sky. So we decided that could be it and we should at least go and see. So we packed up our camels and horses, hired some help, and set off.

“It was weeks later when we came to this little town, Bethlehem the locals called it, and eventually tracked the couple and newborn baby down, and there they were. Well they looked quite grubby, you know, and in a stable, too!”

Melchior: “It wasn’t the most hygienic place to have a baby, and hardly appropriate for the birth of a King. But that was where the star brought us to, and there was already a crowd of shepherds in there paying him homage. So we discussed it in private, and decided that this must be the King whose birth would be predicted by a sign in the heavens, and we gave him our presents.”

“What presents? Oh, frankiscence and myhrr, that kind of stuff.”

Gaspar: “And gold, of course – so they could pay for some proper lodgings.”

Balthazar: “Herod? King Herod Antipas? Yes of course we’ve heard of him. Met him? No, never.”

Melchior: “No, not on the way to Bethlehem nor anywhere else.”

Gaspar: “Sorry, but are you crazy? We didn’t meet him or any other kings – we try to stay well away from them … and from Roman Consuls too!”

Joseph’s story:

“Well, I was getting on and I’d missed out on all the eligible women except for Mary and she was out of my class, if you know what I mean. I didn’t have a chance with her.

“But then she got pregnant and whoever it was didn’t stay around. So I jumped at the chance, of course I did. I even made up a story about being visited by an angel and all that, so as to match hers. Well, I didn’t want them saying she was a slut, you know? Or later, that Jesus was a bastard. Yes, Jesus, that’s my boy. Bad enough them calling him ‘Donkey Boy’ or ‘Barn Boy’ or ‘Hayborn’ … People can be very cruel – even children.

“Well we had to go to my home town Bethlehem to register for the census since Caesar Augustus decreed it. It was bloody cold and the town was full, except for the luxury suites and I’m just a carpenter. I mean, it’s a good trade but doesn’t pay for luxuries.

“Anyway, we got the stable for what they call a “cut rate” (‘cut-throat rate’ would be more like it) and then her waters broke and she had the baby right there. Well from that moment on, there wasn’t a moment’s peace, what with an angelic choir somewhere, smelly shepherds crowding in, wise men, curious passers-by …. We were glad to get our registration over with and be back on the road, I can tell you.

“The baby? Jesus, my foster-son. He’s a good boy but a bit dreamy. I can’t seem to get him interested in my trade. I do worry about him – I don’t know what will become of him when he grows up, honest. His mother says he has her crucified.”

 

Herod’s story:Herod engraving

“Oh please! Not that old ridiculous slander and libel again! Slaughtering the babies, indeed. Wasn’t it Jehovah himself who did that to Pharaoh’s people? No, no I never – why would I?

“Because of a prediction he’d be King of the Jews? Oh, puleeeeze! Nearly every fucking village in Judea has someone in it they’re predicting will be a King. If I went around slaughtering the children in every village we’d soon have no population in Judea – and, more to the point, no taxes. Not for me OR for Rome.

“Wise men? I never meet any, not in my court anyway. Wily, cunning, even clever, yes …. but wise? No. Well, maybe that’s a definition of wise men: men who make sure not to meet me. Heh, heh, heh!”

 

The Donkey’s story:

“It got to be a very crowded in that stable.”

Donkey

The Cow’s story:

“Mmmmmm! Yes, it did – but warmer too, except when the door kept being opened as more people arrived. Mmmmmm!”

The lamb’s story:

“I didn’t like leaving my maaaaammy. And I thought I heard one of the shepherds mention kish kebaaaaab.”

The dog’s story:

“I really objected to being turfed out of the manger”.

Ends

LOOTERS AND SHOOTERS

On By rebelbreezeIn Capitalism, History, Political AnalysisLeave a comment

 

Diarmuid Breatnach

Reading Salvage The Bones, a well-written novel by Jesmyn Ward, all but the last chapters of which are set in Louisiana during days of the impending hurricane Katrina in 2005, I started thinking about looters.

“Looters” is the name usually given to those who sometimes operate in areas in the wake of a disaster, stealing items, occasionally also killing and/ or raping. They are generally reviled in discourses, characterized as savage opportunists taking advantage of misery and breakdown of law and order to prey on the weak and defenceless.

Alleged looters sit handcuffed under police guard in Oklahoma after storm May 2013. Nearby, neighbours whose homes were destroyed and who accused the men of looting.
Alleged looters sit handcuffed under police guard in Oklahoma after storm May 2013. Nearby, neighbours whose homes were destroyed and who accused the men of looting.

 

Although “looting” is also used to describe many of the activities of advancing victorious troops on ground won in war (and on occasion too, activities of retreating troops), those troops themselves are never called “looters”. 

Yet plunder of treasure and goods was in fact one of the main reasons for invading forays or war for centuries: the Irish word “creacht” (from which, according to one theory, the colloquial Hiberno-English word “crack” — as in “the crack was great” — is derived) means, among some other meanings, loot taken from the victims of a raid – in their case, usually from another clan and the loot or “booty” often cattle, the main measure of wealth for centuries in Ireland.

Many Native American tribes raided others for horses and women (and sometimes male slaves). Groups among the Vikings, Saxons and Celts frequently sailed to other lands from which they took away slaves (probably the main booty and external trade goods for the Vikings, who made Dublin one of their slave markets). The hordes of the Mongols, the Vandals, Huns and Goths all raided and looted. They were mainly non-Christian hordes of course and what could one expect of the like?

The Christian Crusades were fought for control over the eastern spice and silk caravan routes and for land but loot was the main prize for the individual soldiers and officers. The first city attacked by the Crusaders was Damascus, a mostly Christian city. Charlemagne, that great soldier of Christendom, invaded Arab Spain in 778 ostensibly to aid three rebellious Arab chiefs against their Arab overlord, the Caliph of Cordova (Córdoba), during which he would also strike a blow against the Muslims; however he took one of his allies hostage (the Arab Governor of Barcelona) and only gave him up to another, the Governor of Zaragoza, a city Charlemagne besieged for a while, for a huge ransom of treasure. Departing then, Charlemagne took what he considered his quickest and safest route with his loot into the lands of his Frankish kingdom and went over the Pyrenees.

But some of his forces had already been near there when they sacked the Basque city of Iruña (Pamplona); in revenge the Basques (possibly aided by Asturians and Occitanians) mauled Charlemagne’s rearguard and killed most of the nobles with them. One of these was Hroudland, military governor of the land bordering Brittany, who was later romanticised as the great warrior Roland who died fighting the Muslims of Spain who threatened the Christian Europe. Unfortunately for this story, the fact is that the Basques, Asturians and Occitanians were …. yes, Christians. They just happened to have good relations with Muslim Spain (the reverse of what they were to have later with its Christian rulers).

 The Shooters

Modern warfare is also fought for loot but not usually by the soldiers in the army. Soldiers in modern armies are paid, as indeed they were in older times but looting is not usually encouraged. Their officers will no doubt turn a blind eye to a trophy, such as a Nazi luger or bayonet or some item of Saddam’s Iraqi Army equipment, but cart or jeep loads of such items would not be tolerated and even less so personal possessions of people in invaded countries.

The Nazi armed forces, despite their apparently rigid “morality”, were a famous exception, with senior officers looting famous paintings, sculptures, gold and diamonds and corruption extending downwards to concentration camp guards. The US and especially the ARVN (the South Vietnamese government forces) invading Cambodia and Laos in 1970 and 1971 respectively were well documented sending back lorry-loads of loot. And the war-band Kurds of Barzani and Talabani, the so-called “peshmergas”, in 2003 swept into Iraqi towns and looted whatever they could — even from hospitals — as the USA invaded. But these are exceptions among modern armies.

So modern wars are not usually fought for loot then, one might think – but one would be wrong. Modern wars were and are certainly fought for loot – rubber, oil, gas, coal, metals and minerals, wood, crops, water, markets – as well as for land, strategic bases and tactical supremacy. The main difference, apart from the loot being of a grander scale in modern warfare, is that it is not the soldiers who will be collecting the loot, nor even the officers, but the capitalists and politicians (often interchangeable terms) who ordered the war. In so far as senior officers may share in the loot, it will not be through their military rank as such but as members of the ruling elite from which they are often drawn or to which they have gained accession.

But these are not called “looters” either, except maybe by people in the occupied or invaded countries and they of course are biased, aren’t they? And maybe by some socialists and communists – but that’s the kind of propaganda statements you might expect from them, right? In fact, the soldiers in modern armies are often required to shoot looters!

A protester shouts at the National Guard standing on duty outside the Ferguson Police Department after the grand jury verdict in the Michael Brown shooting in Ferguson, Missouri, November 26, 2014. (photo: REUTERS/Jim Young)
A protester shouts at the National Guard standing on duty outside the Ferguson Police Department after the grand jury verdict in the Michael Brown shooting in Ferguson, Missouri, November 26, 2014. (photo: REUTERS/Jim Young)

 

In the USA, the soldiers shooting looters have usually been the National Guard, or State Troopers. But the police are armed there and they have also shot looters. When it comes to such a situation in Britain, it will probably be the British Army doing the shooting. If it were to occur in the Irish state, it would perhaps be firstly the Armed Response Unit of the Gardaí, who have a number of kills under their belts already (none of them in riot, looting or shootout situations, by the way) but in any large-scale looting scare, it would be the Irish Army. It is doubtful if the FCA would be trusted to do the shooting but they might be called out as guards on some centres and to staff roadblocks. 

Shooting looters might be a bit extreme, especially in countries without a death penalty, but extreme situations require extreme responses, citizens might say. We need someone to stop looters breaking into our homes, stealing our money, laptops and television and maybe killing and raping us into the bargain.

 

The Looters

Let’s take a look at the looters, for a minute or two. They generally fall into one of two groups: the ones who are opportunistically stealing whatever is easily available without violence to person, on the one hand and those who are prepared to fight, to hurt and possibly even to kill, on the other. Sprinkled across both groups, there are two main motivations: 1) to take food, drink or smaller luxuries such as today would be TVs, Ipads and laptops or 2) to steal large amounts of money, valuable jewelry etc.

In the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, people who were starving and dehyrating and therefore searching destroyed buildings for food and bottled water and soft drink cans were shot by police and National Guardsmen. In Haiti, after the 2010 earthquake, rioting and looting were reported in the western media but strangely, one might think, given the level of poverty of most of the Haitian population, it turned out that actually there had been very little. What there had been were demonstrations of protest against the authorities’ slow response and against opportunists appropriating freshwater sources and selling the water. However, the reports justified the first practical response of Haiti’s strongest neighbour and main backer of its political regime – the sending of US Marines to the island. They of course could shoot looters … and perhaps demonstrators too if they got too numerous and ambitious.

Hurricane Katrina victims in New Orleans signaling for help
Hurricane Katrina victims in New Orleans signaling for help

In the wake of a national disaster, the hardest hit are usually those further down the economic scale. The poorer one is, the less possible it would be to get far away from the disaster area and yet be able to eat, drink, wash etc. The less likely too that one’s living quarters are going to be well-built to withstand hurricane, earthquake, flood; the less likely that one has access to alternative power sources, alternative transport, food and water stocks, medicine ….1

So where will people who are without shelter, warmth, food and drink go to find these things? If the emergency relief is sufficient and very quick, most of the disaster victims will go to relief camps and centres. If it is not, or in areas for which such emergency response is difficult to reach, the people are thrown on their own resources. There will be some communal mutual aid but let us not forget we have been discussing areas of poor people – most will have little beyond what they need for themselves and their own families. So what about shops, houses of the rich and those perceived as being better off ….? Of course, their owners will be in no danger if the armed police or troops turn up to shoot the cold, the hungry, the dehydrated, the ill.  

But what about those marauding opportunists, the looters who mainly want money, jewelry, expensive electronic equipment, cars …..? And murderers and rapists? We won’t shed a tear to see them shot down as the wild dogs that they are. Nasty predators on the victims of disasters!  And they are, no doubt about it. One of those comes through your door or window, don’t think twice about shooting him if you’re lucky enough to have a gun or stabbing him if you don’t. Although it might be difficult to differentiate them from the ones who just want a blanket, or clean drinking water, or some food …. Anyway, luckily, those violent predatory looters tend to exist in small numbers and their victims are likely to be numbered in dozens or at most in hundreds ….  

There are people who actually make money – and lots of it – from disasters. These are speculators who flock to disaster areas but they are not called “looters” — they are instead referred to as “entrepreneurs”, “niche investors” or, at worst, as “disaster capitalists”. These are often already organised into corporations and, according to Naomi Klein, one of their major chroniclers (read “Shock Doctrine”), they are organised and waiting for natural disasters and major political changes, anything that leaves most of the population in shock, to move in, privatize state services and property, impose legal and political changes allowing them to make quick profits and strip whatever assets can so be stripped.

 

The Shock Doctrine book

Milton Friedman, Professor Emeritus at University of Chicago, credited with the creation of the "Chicago School" of neo-conservative economists which legitmized disaster capitalism
Milton Friedman, Professor Emeritus at University of Chicago, credited with the creation of the “Chicago School” of neo-conservative economists which legitmized disaster capitalism

They flocked to Haiti in 2010 as they had to Chile after the coup there in 1973, to the Soviet Bloc as it collapsed from 1989 onwards, to South Africa as apartheid was abolished in the early 1990s, to Indonesia and surrounding lands in the wake of the Java Earthquake and Tsunami of 2006. They are also circling Ireland in its current financial institutions collapse. They are new only in their level of reach and organisation – they flocked to the former Confederacy as it lost the American Civil War in 1885 but in those days they were known as “Carpetbaggers”.  

These capitalists add to the disaster death toll by application of their doctrine of “the more and greater shocks the better”, by their dismantling of the safety nets of state health, welfare and education services, by their destruction of native industry and agricultures (except wherever it suits their plans to continue exploiting them), by the greater impoverishment of populations.  

The looter who terrorized some people in your neighbourhood and killed a few who resisted will almost certainly be gone within the year.  The disaster capitalist may well be gone in the same time or even sooner but he will have caused the deaths of hundreds or thousands in the short term and misery for millions for years to come.  

We should shoot him first, surely?  If you plan to do that, go well-armed, for standing guard for him and his kind are the Shooters: the police and the army.

 

Ends

 

Footnotes:

1    In 2004, I was taking advantage of a really cheap flight and hotel deal to a quiet resort in Trinidad & Tobago. During my short stay, Hurricane Ivan, classified in that area as Category 3 (winds 50-58 knots or 111-129 mph or 178-208 km/h) struck the island. It knocked down trees, downed power lines, caused flooding and landslides. In my hotel, the guests had to make do with a repeat menu served by low lighting and later sandwiches and bottled water delivered to rooms. We experienced a short break in power before the auxilliary generator came on. Television reception was terrible – not worth watching except for trying to make sense of the hurricane diagrams on CNN.

Outside the hotel, a number of poorer people’s houses were destroyed by falling trees, landslides and flooding but I think that thankfully, only one person was actually killed on the island (elsewhere, from the Windward Islands to Latin America, Cuba [where it reached Category 5] and southern and eastern United States, it killed 191 people directly and caused indirectly the deaths of another 32, according to Wikipedia).

As the temperatures climbed back again after the hurricane, power was not restored to many houses and small businesses for days, during which refrigerated and frozen food was destroyed. Most of those houses were without air-conditioning too but then most of them had never had it anyway.