Diarmuid Breatnach
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Thousands answered the call to prevent a resumption of an annual Orange Order march through the Garvaghy Road, which runs through a nationalist area of West Belfast, scheduled for 27 September and authorised by the Parades Commission.
The Orange Order takes its colour and sectarianism from the anti-republican Dutch royalty of William of Orange; the Order was founded in 1795 in order to disrupt and break the new patriotic unity between the descendants of the settlers and indigenous Irish forged by the Society of United Irishmen.
For many years this march of colonial settler domination by the sectarian Orange Order was escorted through the Garvaghy Road by the colonial and sectarian police force, formerly the Royal Ulster Constabulary, more latterly renamed as the Police Service of Northern Ireland (sic).

It also led to the 2001 six month siege by Loyalists of the Holy Cross Catholic primary school with children and their accompanying parents jeered, threatened and shouted at while also being bombarded with bottles of urine and even packets containing excreta.
All with the Loyalists protected by the colonial police force. The sectarian atmosphere also led to 21 Loyalist murders including the death by firebombing of three Quinn children. All of that history was recounted as reasons why the Orange march should not go ahead.
But Brendán Mac Cionnaith, chairperson of Garvaghy Residents’ Association, recollected another historical connection. On 4th October 1936, he stated, another unwelcome march of bigots through an area was being planned and resisted, but on that occasion, in the East End of London, then an area of high Jewish occupancy, the target of the fascist anti-Jewish Blackshirts.
That was the nickname of the British Union of Fascists, led by Sir Oswald Moseley. Local socialist, communists, anarchists and the Jewish community mobilised to prevent the march and a detachment of Irish from nearby Wapping arrived to support them.
Seven hundred police, including all those mounted of London spearheaded the fascist march and attacked the resistance, eventually forcing their way through the first barricade but failing to overcome the second. The Battle of Cable Street was a historic victory for the antifascists.
One of the cries taken up that day was No Pasarán (They Shall Not Pass), echoing that of the then ongoing defence of Madrid, where antifascists from European states, including Ireland and the UK, prevented the initial fascist military coup and assault on Madrid.
The call was repeated in words and fact on the Garvaghy Road. As people mobilised to block the road, others mobilised to provide the resistance with shelter from the weather and with hot drinks and live music, while shops remained open past their normal hours to serve customers.

A broad protest in solidarity with Garvaghy Road resistance took place outside the British Embassy in Dublin’s Ballsbridge. Although called by the Éirigí socialist republican party, the picket was supported by a number of Republican and socialist organisations and individuals.
A legal application to overturn the decision of the Parades Commission was made to the High Court in Belfast but it rejected the application. However, its decision was moot since by that time Secretary of State Chris Bryant had banned the Orange Order march.
WHY NOW?
Why now, after an absence of 28 years, did the sectarian Orange Order wish to march through the Garvaghy Road? That was a question asked by many. Some have pointed to unionist apprehension as their population figures decline and a perception that they are losing their dominance.
That may be the Orange Order’s motivation but does not explain the authorisation by the Parades Commission. It is inconceivable that the latter’s approval came without previous discussion with His Majesty’s governor of the colony,, Secretary of State for Northern (sic) Ireland.

An later view from inside the protest outside the British Embassy 26 September. (Photo: D.Breatnach)
And yet it was ‘Sir’ Bryant himself who eventually banned the sectarian and provocative march. It seems likely that the British colonial rulers either suggested the march or decided on permitting the Loyalist provocation in order to test the mettle of the nationalist community’s resistance.
The colonial repression will now return to its normality with stop-and-search harassment of Republican activists and their families and recruitment of informers and agents, from which to proceed to arrests and jail through judicial decisions of the no-jury Diplock Courts.
However, nationalist communal resistance in Belfast and across the colony has been strengthened by the successful mobilisation, stand and victory and its lesson in message is percolating through the rest of Ireland.
End.
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