THOUSANDS MARCH IN DUBLIN IN KEFFIYEHS AND PALESTINE FLAGS BUT IRISH STATE IS 2nd-LARGEST IMPORTER OF ISRAELI PRODUCTS

Diarmuid Breatnach

(Reading time: 5 mins.)

Palestinian flags, keffiyehs of various types, Palestine solidarity and denunciation of genocide banners and placards filled Dublin city centre on a Saturday afternoon near the 3rd anniversary of the ongoing accelerated Zionist genocide of Palestinians.

According to press reports, over 10,000 marched in Dublin on the third anniversary of the accelerated genocide since 7 October 2026 on the same day as more did across a number of European cities, including among others London and Berlin.

The Dublin march was organised by the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign.

The march arrived at Molesworth Street, facing the western gates of Leinster House. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

Recent reports listed 75,600 Palestinians confirmed killed by the IOF1 though many more remain under the rubble of bombed buildings and more than 100,000 injured.2 Gaza has the highest number of amputee children in any known conflict and the IOF killed more than 20,000.3

By February last year, 25,000 wounded children had lost both parents.4 Approximately 70% of Palestinians killed around residential buildings and camps are women and children. On average, the IOF (and increasingly now, also ‘illegal’ settlers5) kills seven Palestinians daily.

This is despite a claimed ‘ceasefire’ by the Israeli Occupation Force and no armed actions by any Palestinian Resistance organisations since 10th October 2025, over a year ago.

The Israeli State is permitting only 11.5% of the food, medicine, fuel and equipment to which it committed itself in that same ‘ceasefire’ agreement.6 Loaded trucks line up outside the border, prevented from entering, while food and medicines deteriorate.

Medical equipment and energy generators break down and cease working for lack of spare parts, even when there is sufficient fuel. Solar panels and desalination plants are destroyed by the IOF as are the sewage treatment plants, with raw sewage contaminating the sea and groundwater.

The IOF has killed 1,700 Palestinian medical workers and over 270 media journalists and technicians; destroyed more than 80% of Gaza’s medical centres and 95% of its schools and universities, killing 22,000 of their staff and students.

The IOF and ‘illegal’ settlers have destroyed wells and water storage tanks. Displaced 1.7 to 2 million people live in tents or among the ruins of bombed buildings,7 which have been known to collapse and kill people sheltering there.

Amidst the horror it is committing, the Zionist state continues to be supported politically, economically and military by the Western imperialist bloc, not least by the Irish state which is the biggest single importer of Israeli goods next to the USA.

A very pointed placard comment displayed by one of the march participants in Molesworth Street. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

COMMENT

The solidarity marches do not noticeably impact upon the Irish ruling class or its government. They impose no cost upon it or at least none that it cannot easily sustain, as three years of accelerated genocide have demonstrated.

The Irish State is the biggest importer of Israeli goods in the European Union, the Presidency of which it currently holds. Leaders of both Irish coalition government parties8 have admitted that what the Zionist state is doing is genocide but continue to collude with it.

This is despite the well-established and recognised majority feeling of the Irish people against the genocide and in solidarity with the Palestinian people.

The Government is clearly in breach of the Genocide Convention, to which Ireland is a signatory, which requires its signatories to take effective action to prevent acts of genocide, punish those carrying out such actions, prosecute and extradite them.9

I was interviewed by Aontacht Media – can be seen I was not feeling well; I was getting over a bad cold or something. (Photo: A participant on the march)

The representative of the Irish ruling class, its government, does not restrict its collusion to lack of action on imports from Israel but permits US military planes to regularly refuel at Shannon airport and allows military equipment bound for Israel to be flown through Irish airspace.

The Irish state’s refusal to implement a boycott on Israel leaves the door open to individual athletes and Irish teams to ‘sportswash’ the genocide, performing against Israeli teams, to the extent that the Irish soccer team has played the Israelis in two foreign European countries this year.

Meanwhile the biggest amateur community sport association in Ireland (and incidentally in Europe), the Gaelic Athletic Association, is insured by a German insurance company that insured Nazi extermination camps and currently holds big investments in Israel.

Currently the Irish Wheelchair Association has confirmed its intention to compete against Israel, despite not only the ongoing genocide but the fact that Israeli military action has created the largest group of child amputees in history — and refuses to allow wheelchairs into Gaza.

A lighter moment on the march as ‘Ed Sheerin’ appears with ‘boycott Zara’ fliers or stickers. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

Attendance at national marches of the IPSC has become a ritual. Hundreds leave Molesworth Street immediately after their arrival, without listening to speeches or performances. Many more stay only a while, to greet and chat to friends and acquaintances.

Many organisations do not even bother to attend and there were at least two separate events of a revolutionary or direct Palestine solidarity kind held in Dublin contemporaneously with the march. Yet the occasion could be employed to raise important issues among the marchers.

In the past, for example, anti-imperialist or revolutionary blocs have participated in such marches with slogans and banners outlining the need for a revolutionary response. Street corner meetings could be held in Molesworth street to engage those leaving the end rally but are not attempted.

The IPSC has over the years of its existence helped to create a widespread and deep national awareness throughout Ireland of the crimes of the Zionist state. It has not however prevented the ongoing genocide, which might be agreed is beyond its capacity so to do.

But is the complicity of the Irish State beyond the reach of Palestine solidarity in Ireland? Are the distribution centres of Israeli imports? Is the handling of Israeli goods at airports, docks, transport and sales services? Can Palestine solidarity organisations influence trade union direct action?

Aside from an occasional period of action targeting a supermarket, usually only in the city centre, the IPSC leads no action in those areas. It might argue that its structure and history is unsuited for such but it could facilitate or at least support direct actions by others.

However, the IPSC generally chooses not only to decline support for direct action but rather to discourage people from for example organising sit-ins/ occupations in commercial or government department buildings, or even from supporting organisations with such orientation.

The organisation does not call for court support for those arrested on demonstrations, pickets or in direct disruptive action at Shannon Airport. Such calls would not compromise the organisation legally but might cause it problems with some of its political allies.

Negotiating active Palestine solidarity while steering to the conservative ‘middle’ ground may be justified if by doing so the organisation retains effective influence among the political class. But when that influence produces no tangible result?

People were happy that the demonstration on the 3rd anniversary of accelerated genocide was large but also aware that it had changed nothing – mainly relieved, perhaps, that visible Palestine solidarity had not declined. Of course.

But meanwhile, the genocide continues, as does Irish state collusion.

End.

Section of the march turning from Dawson Street into Molesworth Street, where the march will end and many disperse immediately. (Photo: D.Breatnach)
This was parked in Dawson street, near the destination of the march. The Gardaí were expecting trouble, it seems, perhaps an expectation as people marked the end of the third year of genocide and beginning of the fourth. Were the Gardaí pleased there wasn’t any – or disappointed? (Photo: D.Breatnach)

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FOOTNOTES

1https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Casualties_of_the_Gaza_war

2Ibid.

3https://theconversation.com/a-un-report-details-the-overwhelming-scale-of-children-killed-in-gaza-it-raises-grave-legal-questions-286327

4https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Children_in_the_Gaza_war

5https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2026/10/23/israel-palestinians-west-bank-olive-harvest-explainer/a0614e46-ceed-11f1-ac04-9f58578a68b4_story.html In reality of course, since Israel is a Zionist Settler project upon Palestine, ALL Israeli settlers are illegal or, at least, immoral.

6https://theglobalobservatory.org/2026/09/gaza-crossings/ and https://www.nrc.no/news/2026/gaza-israeli-restrictions-mean-entry-of-winter-shelter-materials-will-take-over-seven-months

7https://gisha.org/en/pr-when-home-is-a-tent-eng/

8Mícheál Martin, leader of Fianna Fáil party, currently Taoiseach (equivalent to Prime Minister), Minister of Foreign Affairs and of Defence, along with Simon Harris, leader of the Fine Gael party, currently Tánaiste (equivalent to Deputy Prime Minister) and Minister for Finance.

9Obligation to Prevent Genocide (Article I): States must take proactive, reasonable measures to prevent genocide from happening when they are aware, or should be aware, of a serious risk of it occurring—an obligation that can apply both within their own borders and extraterritorially. [1, 2, 3]

Obligation to Punish Genocide (Article I & IV): States must investigate, prosecute, and punish individuals who commit genocide or related crimes, holding perpetrators accountable regardless of whether they are private citizens, public officials, or heads of state. [1, 2, 3]

Enactment of Domestic Legislation (Article V): States must pass the necessary internal laws to give effect to the Convention and ensure effective criminal penalties are established in their national legal systems. [1, 2]

Prosecution in Competent Tribunals (Article VI): States must try individuals charged with genocide either in a domestic court of the state where the act took place or before an international penal tribunal with jurisdiction. [1, 2]

Extradition Cooperation (Article VII): States must treat genocide offenses as extraditable crimes under their domestic laws and existing treaties, rather than shielding offenders as political crimes. [1, 2]

SOURCES

MASS RESISTANCE PREVENTS SECTARIAN DOMINATION MARCH IN BRITISH COLONY

Diarmuid Breatnach

(Reading time: 3 mins.)

Thousands answered the call to prevent a resumption of an annual Orange Order march through the Garvaghy Road, which runs through a nationalist area of Portadown, Co. Armagh, scheduled for 27 September and authorised by the Parades Commission.


The Orange Order takes its colour and sectarianism from the anti-republican Dutch royalty of William of Orange; the Order was founded in 1795 in order to disrupt and break the new patriotic unity between the descendants of the settlers and indigenous Irish forged by the Society of United Irishmen.

For many years this march of colonial settler domination by the sectarian Orange Order was escorted through the Garvaghy Road by the colonial and sectarian police force, formerly the Royal Ulster Constabulary, more latterly renamed as the Police Service of Northern Ireland (sic).

Garvaghy Road resistance to Orange Order march through their area October 2026 (Photo sourced: Internet)

It also led to the 2001 six month siege by Loyalists of the Holy Cross Catholic primary school with children and their accompanying parents jeered, threatened and shouted at while also being bombarded with bottles of urine and even packets containing excreta.

All with the Loyalists protected by the colonial police force. The sectarian atmosphere also led to 21 Loyalist murders including the death by firebombing of three Quinn children. All of that history was recounted as reasons why the Orange march should not go ahead.

But Brendán Mac Cionnaith, chairperson of Garvaghy Residents’ Association, recollected another historical connection. On 4th October 1936, he stated, another unwelcome march of bigots through an area was being planned and resisted, but on that occasion, in the East End of London, then an area of high Jewish occupancy, the target of the fascist anti-Jewish Blackshirts.

That was the nickname of the British Union of Fascists, led by Sir Oswald Moseley. Local socialists, communists, anarchists and the Jewish community mobilised to prevent the march and a detachment of Irish from nearby Wapping arrived to support them.

Seven hundred police, including all those mounted of London spearheaded the fascist march and attacked the resistance, eventually forcing their way through the first barricade but failing to overcome the second. The Battle of Cable Street was a historic victory for the antifascists.

One of the cries taken up that day was No Pasarán (They Shall Not Pass), echoing that of the then ongoing defence of Madrid, where antifascists from European states, including Ireland and the UK, prevented the initial fascist military coup and assault on Madrid.

The call was repeated in words and fact on the Garvaghy Road. As people mobilised to block the road, others mobilised to provide the resistance with shelter from the weather and with hot drinks and live music, while shops remained open past their normal hours to serve customers.

An early view of the protest outside the British Embassy 26 September. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

A broad protest in solidarity with Garvaghy Road resistance took place outside the British Embassy in Dublin’s Ballsbridge. Although called by the Éirigí socialist republican party, the picket was supported by a number of Republican and socialist organisations and individuals.

A legal application to overturn the decision of the Parades Commission was made to the High Court in Belfast but it rejected the application. However, its decision was moot since by that time Secretary of State Chris Bryant had banned the Orange Order march.

WHY NOW?

Why now, after an absence of 28 years, did the sectarian Orange Order wish to march through the Garvaghy Road? That was a question asked by many. Some have pointed to unionist apprehension as their population figures decline and a perception that they are losing their dominance.

That may be the Orange Order’s motivation but does not explain the authorisation by the Parades Commission. It is inconceivable that the latter’s approval came without previous discussion with His Majesty’s governor of the colony, Secretary of State for Northern (sic) Ireland.


A later view from inside the protest outside the British Embassy 26 September
. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

And yet it was ‘Sir’ Bryant himself who eventually banned the sectarian and provocative march. It seems likely that the British colonial rulers either suggested the march or decided on permitting the Loyalist provocation in order to test the mettle of the nationalist community’s resistance.

The colonial repression will now return to its normality with stop-and-search harassment of Republican activists and their families and recruitment of informers and agents, from which to proceed to arrests and jail through judicial decisions of the no-jury Diplock Courts.

However, nationalist communal resistance in Belfast and across the colony has been strengthened by the successful mobilisation, stand and victory and its lesson in message is percolating through the rest of Ireland.

End.

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THOUSANDS OF PUBLIC SERVICE WORKERS JOIN FIRST ONE-DAY STRIKE IN DECADES

Clive Sulish

(Reading time: 3 mins.)

300,000 unionised municipal and state-service workers struck work for one day on Wednesday 14th in pursuance of a living wage among the steadily rising cost of living. A second such day is planned for Wednesday October 21st.

This is the biggest action of its kind since the financial crisis of 2009 when the Irish Government bailed out the banking section and imposed austerity on worker’s wages and public services.

Picketers of a number of unions on Wednesday. (Photo: PA Media)

The 2024-2026 Public Service Agreement came to an end without agreement between Government and Trade Union representatives on the next stage, as the unions pointed to an effective 5%-7% loss in the purchasing power of their members’ wages due to rising cost of living.1

Workers in public health, teaching, sanitation, museums, libraries, parks and historical sites struck work with emergency cover. Not all public services participated, some being privatised or part-privatised, as for example with the telecommunication network, bus and rail passenger transport.

The strike was called by the Public Services Committee of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions (ICTU), covering 19 unions.

The main unions included Fórsa, with over 100,000 public sector members; SIPTU (75,000 public service members), the Irish Nurses and Midwives Organisation (INMO -5,000), the teachers’ unions (INTO primary level – 48,25O; ASTI and TUI, secondary/ tech 43,000) and the Unite union.

The Government, having refused the workers’ demands during earlier negotiations, tried to prevent or delay the strike by calling for further negotiations which, in the absence of any further offer, the unions naturally refused and went ahead with their industrial action according to earlier ballot.

The mood for action was overwhelming with returned ballots of over 90% of members in the high ninety percentages voting for action.2

As picketers gathered outside their workplaces, the air rang to the horns of solidarity blowing from passing traffic — private, taxis, firms and buses. According to reports, while they remained silent outside Mountjoy Jail, the horns burst into sound while passing the nearby Mater Hospital.3

DCC Sanitation Department workers outside their depot in O’Rahilly Parade (off Moore Street). (Photo: Rebel Breeze)

Some other protests in the city, such as for Palestine solidarity, continued but took on added features of workers’ solidarity. At the weekly Dubs for Palestine solidarity rally 12 noon to 1pm outside Leinster House, numerous supporting references were made to the workers’ actions.

Diarmuid Breatnach sang James Connolly’s song ‘Be Moderate’ there while Jimi Cullen sang the ‘Power to People/ Workers’ chant, both acapella with the audience joining in.4

SOCIALIST NOTES

For tens of thousands of workers, this will have been their first experience of a strike. Though many Irish migrants abroad built unions and struck, in Ireland for nearly all, Irish-born and workers from abroad will also for the first time be taking industrial action together.

Union density among workers is estimated at 22%-25% in the Irish state, with the private sector by far the lowest, a huge drop from the around 60% of the early 1980s, blamed on trade unions entering into decades of Social Partnership with Government and employers’ representatives.

While socialists celebrate the workers’ actions they are aware that trade union gains in wages are always temporary and will always fall behind the average costs of living – and even further behind the more rapidly rising costs of daily/ weekly essentials such as food and clothing.

Revolutionary socialists welcome the worker solidarity that trade unions tend to impart, in addition to resistance to impoverishment and fighting for safer and healthier working conditions but also know that trade union consciousness alone does not aim for socialism but for social democracy.5

The struggle for a shorter working week has advanced little since the fight for the 8-hour day began on May 1st 1866 across the USA, with the Chicago police Haymarket Massacre on May 4th followed by seven death sentences and a 15-year jail sentence of workers’ leaders.

Though the working week for most workers has been reduced over years of struggle from six or even seven days to five, 8 hours remain the contracted lot for many, leaving little time and energy for family, socialisation, study and training, especially with hours travelling for many.

While trade union militancy in Ireland now may be a passing phase it may also presage a return to (or even a surpassing) of the Irish trade union militancy of the past, prior to the Social Partnership and such union activity is considered necessary to achieve a successful social revolution.

End.

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FOOTNOTES

1For examples, food, heating, transport fuel prices, along with home rental and purchasing costs. Some saw the gap widen to 15% https://www.irishtimes.com/business/work/2026/03/30/unite-trade-unions-public-sector-workers-feeling-cost-of-living-pinch/

2https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2026/10/14/tjwd-o14.html

3Both Mountjoy Jail and the Mater Hospital are on the North Circular Road and near to each other. Prison staff had pickets out while maintaining incarceration of inmates and presumably serving meals.

4Ironic title to lyrics of one of Connolly’s entries in Songs of Freedom (New York, 1907), sometimes referred to as We Only Want the Earth. Breatnach sings it to the air of a A Nation Once Again, which arrangement he says first heard from an English Communist. The Power to the People chant is often heard on demonstrations in particular from the PBP group; Cullen added ‘Workers’. Both singers are independent political activists.

5A form of goverment under capitalist exploitation with involvement of trade unions and some social benefits.

SOURCES

https://www.facebook.com/search/top?q=f%C3%B3rsa%20trade%20union

https://www.irishexaminer.com/news/arid-41923693.html

https://www.irishtimes.com/ireland/2026/10/13/qa-who-is-going-on-strike-on-wednesday-and-why

https://www.irishtimes.com/business/work/2026/03/30/unite-trade-unions-public-sector-workers-feeling-cost-of-living-pinch

FAI DENOUNCED BY CROWDS AT GPO IN SOLIDARITY WITH GAVIN BAZUNO

Diarmuid Breatnach

(Reading time: 5 mins.)

An impromptu demonstration in solidarity with Gavin Bazuno, the Ireland team goalkeeper, attracted many participants on late Sunday afternoon 27 September in Dublin. The call-out had only been posted the previous evening.

Irish language poster calling to stand with Gavin Bazuno and the courage to act according to conscience.

24 year-old goalkeeper Gavin Bazuno declined to play against the team of the genocidal Israel state, against which the Irish team were drawn in the UEFA Nations competition, despite the controversial decision of the team’s management and the Football Association of Ireland to go ahead.

Responding to the overwhelming majority sentiment in Ireland and of the members of the Association, the FAI executive in November had requested UEFA to exclude the Israeli team from the competition, which UEFA executives refused to do.1

Until September, long after FAI members’ fears were realised and in February the Irish team had been drawn to play ‘Israel’, the UEFA board had also refused to exempt Ireland from being drawn against ‘Iosrael’ (which they have the power to do)2 in future games.

Attendance at the Dublin rally drew from a broad pool without any clear political party or indeed solidarity organisation dominance. Placards were not plentiful but some home-made ones could be seen and indeed the banner calling for solidarity with Bazuno was sprayed on white sheets.

A placard appeared showing an IOF sniper, referencing ‘Israeli’ player Said Abu Sarchi taking the ‘sniper position’ after scoring against Austria, for which he was sent off, to his apparent great surprise (after all, it’s normal in ‘Israel’ to actually shoot, not just mime shooting Palestinians).3

In order to comply with Palestinian society’s request for a boycott of ‘Israel’ to include sports competitions, a number of groups have been specifically campaigning against firstly ‘Israel’ being permitted to enter the competition and secondly for the Irish football team to refuse to play them.

The main ones have been League of Ireland fans, Stop the Game and Ireland Sports for Palestine. Over 160 Irish sports people signed a letter asking the Irish team not to play and Jacinta O’Keefe, registered to compete in the Pondevedra Triathlon withdrew due to ‘Israeli’ athlete participation.

The Show Israel the Red Card banner seemed the only printed one present at the rally, whereas a number of sheets had been spray-painted in order to together spell out Stand with Bazuno 4 Gaza.

A home-made placard read: Nice Save, Gavin! The flags flown among the crowd were mostly Palestinian with some Irish Tricolours and one Starry Plough.

Section of the crowd outside the GPO with one of the megaphone speakers, chant leaders etc. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

There was hardly a Garda uniform in evidence, nor was any stewarding organised or required: the main group occupied the GPO side while a smaller group stood on the central pedestrian reservation. A street person danced a bit in the road but generally withdrew as vehicles approached.

The ad-hoc nature of the rally and absence of any organisation’s control was illustrated by the lack of printed placards or banners, by much of the speeches from people with megaphones and in particular by the slogans chanted.

Specific slogans included: Don’t play the Game!
We Support Gavin Bazuno! FAI, you can’t hide – You’re supporting genocide!
There’s Only One Bazuno!

But there were also other chants relating to Ireland more generally, such as against British Unionists and their attempted Orange Order march on the Garvaghy Road4 and the slogan referring to both occupation of Ireland and of Palestine: Irish people understand: No peace on stolen land!

The more usual slogans of Palestine solidarity were also chanted: Free, Free: Palestine!
From the River to the Sea – Palestine will be free! From the Sea to the River – Palestine will live for ever! In our thousands and our millions – We are all Palestinians!

There is only one solution: Intifada revolution!
1, 2, 3, 4 – Occupation no more! 5, 6, 7, 8 – Israel is a terrorist state!
Saoirse – Don Phalaistín!

A recording of Martin Leahy’s Don’t Play was amplified with the crowd joining in on the chorus, which repeats the title of the composition.

The air of Don’t Play has been used earlier for many songs and chants, first recorded in 1864 as the air for Tramp, Tramp, Tramp, a song composed by George Frederick Root to give Union troop captives of the Confederacy hope of liberation in the American Civil war.

Not long after its USA composition, the air was used for the God Save Ireland! song by Irish nationalist MP, journalist and poet T.D. Sullivan in honour of the Manchester Martyrs, the three Fenians who were framed, convicted and hanged in front of a baying crowd in Manchester in 1867.

The title is taken from the words shouted by the three as they were sentenced to hang and the song became very popular, particularly in Ireland where, for decades it was the unofficial national anthem until eventually replaced by Amhrán na bhFiann.5

The home-made banner made from sections of spray-painted white cloth, displayed on the pedestrian reservation, seen from the pavement outside the GPO. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

Wide fallout followed the decision of the FAI that the Irish team would play the fixtures drawn against ‘Israel’. UEFA scheduled the games to take place in Serbia (without any Irish fans) and Hungary. RTÉ€6 declined to accept advertising or to provide commentary on the games.

In the run up to the game, attempting to project the decision to play in a positive light, the Ireland team manager Heimar Hallgrimsson said that rather than playing with genocide, they were ‘playing against Genocide’.This comment drew a tirade of abuse from the ‘Israeli’ Football Association.7

However at a subsequent press conference, Hallgrimsson withdrew the ‘Genocide’ comment, ascribing his use of it to the popular Irish pressure not to sportswash ‘Israel’ and the demand of ‘Don’t play with genocide.’

According to reports, out of the Irish team of 24, eight voted not to play, at a meeting from which it appears that Bazuno was excluded but the rest voted to play. They were then organised to wear armbands mourning the Palestinians killed and to lower their heads during the Zionist anthem.

On the field, the Irish team captain declined to shake hands with the ‘Israeli’ one. The FAI claimed that they had done well apart from their 3-0 win but many felt that to play at all was to lose something more important.

Many of the Bazuno and declining to play Israel at the rally outside the GPO, O’Connell Street, Dublin. (Photo by: Participant)

It may well have been a tactical campaign mistake not to include the players from the outset in the call for boycott of the game, giving them time to realise and prepare for the fact that if the FAI and Irish Government failed to call for the boycott, then it would come down to them.

The call not to target the players for action, even in that way, seems to have been mistaken. All those of sound mental state are responsible for their actions or lack of them. More importantly perhaps, young men and women of principle will be required to build the Irish nation that we need.

And nothing could be worse than genocide.

End.

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FOOTNOTES

SOURCES & FURTHER READING

1https://news.sky.com/story/irelands-fa-passes-vote-seeking-uefa-ban-on-israel-competing-in-european-competitions-13466564

2https://www.irishtimes.com/sport/soccer/2026/09/18/uefa-reject-fais-request-to-be-kept-apart-from-israel-in-future-competition-draws/ and https://www.aljazeera.com/sports/2026/9/19/uefa-defends-policy-after-rejecting-irelands-request-not-to-play-israel

3https://www.instagram.com/p/DdvXWXBG6Y4/ Even more horrible is that he is of Palestinian Arab background. The discourse that it’s a harmless snooker game stance does not warrant entertaining (unless the apologists can show how snooker shots are taken by players of the game while on their knees).

4A road in the nationalist area of West Belfast upon which the British-loyal Orange Order are demanding to be permitted to march

5Original title, The Soldiers’ Song; but for the State, it is the air of the chorus alone that constitutes the ‘National Anthem’.

6Radio Teilifís Éireann, the national broadcaster for television and radio.

7https://www.irishtimes.com/sport/soccer/2026/09/21/israel-fa-considering-complaint-against-heimir-hallgrimsson-for-use-of-word-genocide/

DEATH BY GARDA VIOLENCE — CAMPAIGNERS STILL LOOKING FOR JUSTICE

Diarmuid Breatnach

(Reading time: 5 mins.)

Two members of the Irish Parliament1 and four Dublin municipal Councillors2 accompanied Wheelock family members, neighbours and other campaigners in a march to Store Street Garda3 Station, where Terence Wheelock had received fatal injuries.

The event took place on the afternoon of Saturday 12th September and commenced with a rally outside the GPO. Despite the passing of an anti-Trump visit demonstration of reportedly 25,000 a little earlier, tens of supporters were present for the Wheelock protest.

Terence Wheelock was a young man of 20 years from a working-class area in Summerhill, in the north Dublin inner city in 2005. Leaving his home to purchase some paint brushes to decorate his room, he stopped to talk to some youths beside a recently-stolen car.

When a group of Gardaí arrived, the youths scattered, Terence among them, the Gardaí chasing and detaining four youths including Terence, bringing him to Store Street Garda station. When he left that station apparently some hours later, it was in a coma to the Mater Hospital.

He never recovered consciousness and died three-and-a-half months later.

According to the Wheelock family, the Gardaí who came to inform them of the young man’s whereabouts misinformed them of the location, therefore denying their ability to obtain Terence’s clothes or demand crime scene security of Terence’s cell, which was quickly redecorated.

Relatives and supporters of the Terence Wheelock campaign in front of Store Street Garda station a week ago on Saturday. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

OUTSIDE THE GPO ON SATURDAY

At the rally outside the iconic GPO building in Dublin’s O’Connell Street in the north city centre, one of Terence’s older brothers, Sammy, announced the purpose of the gathering to those present and the many curious passers-by, both resident and visiting.

Sammy took over as coordinator of the campaign for justice regarding Terence from an older brother, Larry, after the latter died of brain cancer in 2019.

Called first to speak was elected Dublin City Councillor Marie Sherlock, a member of the Labour Party, who commiserated with the Wheelock family on their loss and remarked on their persistence in the campaign over the years, vowing to continue supporting them until justice was achieved.

Marie Sherlock speaking at the rally outside the GPO. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

Less welcome to my ears and probably to at least some others were her words that she would ‘support the Gardaí’ and ‘the Minister for Justice’ in seeking an inquiry into the cause of Terence Wheelock’s death. ‘Support’ for the Gardaí was far from the tone of most campaign demands.

Next to speak was Daniel Ennis, until fairly recently an elected Dublin City Councillor of the Social Democrats party, which he now represents as a TD (elected representative to the Irish Parliament). Ennis spoke mainly as a resident of primarily a working-class area of Dublin city.

Daniel Ennis TD addressing the pre-march rally at the GPO. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

Sammy Wheelock also introduced Gemma Dunleavy, the petit rapper from Sheriff Street background on the north-eastern side of the city centre, who has highlighted the Terence Wheelock case in the past.

Dunleavy performed one of her pieces organised around numbers such as ‘Thirty-seven, the number of photographs taken of injuries on Terence’s body’ and ‘zero, the number of people held accountable for Terence’s death’.

Rapper Gemma Dunleavy outside the GPO performing her piece about the killing of Terence Wheelock. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

After Dunleavy’s performance, Sammy Wheelock announced the intention to march to Store Street Garda station, detention location for two hours of his younger brother Terence in September 2005 before admission to the Mater Hospital in a coma, followed by death three-and-a-half months later.

Sammy also referred to the harassment by Gardaí of the Wheelock family wanting to intimidate them from campaigning.

The march, with banners and placards, proceeded along O’Connell Street, the city’s main thoroughfare, chanting call-and-answer: Say his name: Terence Wheelock! For Justice to be imposed, the guilty must be exposed! What do we Demand?Answers! When do we demand them? Now! What do we want? Justice! When do we want it? Now! Guilty: Garda!

Reaching the Liffey river that bisects the city, the march turned left along Eden Quay,4 then left at Butt Bridge, passing Liberty Hall5 and the monument to James Connolly.6 As they neared Store Street, Sammy pronounced it ‘one of the most corrupt Garda stations in Ireland.’

One of the banners, seen here outside the GPO during the pre-march rally. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

OUTSIDE THE GARDA STATION

Family relatives lined the steps of and with their backs to the Garda station, displaying the campaign’s placards and banners while supporters gathered facing them to listen to speakers.

Dublin City councillors Conor Reddy of the People Before Profit party, Madeleine Johannson (non-party) and Janice Boylan of the Sinn Féin party addressed the crowd, along with James O’Toole of Red Media and, for the second time, Daniel Ennis TD (Soc. Dems).

Conor Reddy speaking outside the Garda station (Paul Murphy, TD may be seen behind, caring for his child which is out of shot). (Photo: D.Breatnach)

Reddy, Ennis and O’Brien all related their origins in working-class areas of Dublin and their familiarity with the hostile attitude of the authorities, especially the Gardaí, to the residents of those areas, particularly the youth. Reddy mentioned another family campaign around Garda violence.

James O’Toole referenced ‘the thin blue line’ used to describe the police and their defence of democracy but pointed out that people’s experience of that ‘blue line’ differed remarkably according to upon which side of the line they found themselves.

O’Toole pointed out that although people from working class areas tend to find themselves universally on the ‘wrong’ side of the ‘blue line’, at times, due to taking militant action, people normally on the ‘right’ side of that line can find themselves subjected to Garda violence.

Boylan, speaking briefly, apologised for her absence from the campaign heretofore but promised support for the future. Reddy spoke about the need for youth social provision, justice system diversion programs and drug prevention treatment facilities for young people.

Sammy Wheelock, brother of Terence and chairperson of the campaign, addressing the crowd outside Store St. Garda station. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

Both Sammy and Robert Wheelock, another brother, spoke eloquently from their prepared speeches about the loss of their brother, the effect on their family and in particular on their mother, unable to be present for health reasons but who sent her thanks to those present.

The brothers spoke about the future that Terence never had a chance to experience and the loss also to the daughter he left behind. Both of them also pointed out that although their campaign sought justice in relation to Terence, it implied the need for justice across Irish society.

Sammy called Vera Lynch from Tallaght forward to speak about her own struggle for justice around the killing of her son Stephen Lynch by a hit-and-run driver but the Gardaí, who failed to investigate the crime with any rigour.

Speaking outside the Garda station, Lynch said her son, a father of three, had been knocked down by a car ten years ago and then reversed over but neither multiple phone calls attempting to speak to the investigating Garda nor an email to the Minister of Justice had achieved any result.

Eoghan Ó Ceannabháin in front of Store Street Garda station singing “Summerhill” by Sammy Wheelock. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

Sammy introduced Eoghan Ó Ceannabháin to sing Sammy’s lyrics of Summerhill, his song to the air of Spancil Hill.7 Ó Ceannabháin of the PBP party sang the song well, which was no surprise as he is a talented singer in the traditional sean-nós style, from a musical family from Connemara.

At conclusion of the song, Sammy led the crowd in a few more chants directed at the Gardaí, thanked all for their attendance and promised to keep pushing for an independent inquiry into the killing of Terence Wheelock and for measures to ensure no similar experience for anyone in future.

Some youth supporting the rally outside Store Street Garda station – the next generation of Garda targets? (Photo: D.Breatnach)

FOCAL SCOIR

The State’s defenders tend to hope that the grind of the passing years will sap the energy of campaigners or that they will die of ill-health, trauma or old age before any question arises of acknowledging guilt over the behaviour of those defenders and responsibility of the State itself.

In July this year Osgur Breatnach received from the High Court, after decades campaigning, a Certificate of Miscarriage of Justice for his 1978 Sallins Mail Train robbery conviction on the basis of a ‘confession’ obtained, Breatnach has always maintained, through Garda ‘Heavy Gang’ torture.

End.

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FOOTNOTES

1Often incorrectly referred to as ‘the Dáil’ from the also incorrect official title of ‘Dáil Éireann’ (‘Parliament of Ireland’); it lost any claim to that title held since 1919 when in 1999 the State sponsored successfully an amendment to the Constitution of the State to abandon its claim to sovereignty over the Six Counties of the British colony. The two TDs included Paul Murphy, who was not one of the speakers.

2Including Ciaran Perry, non-party, who was present but did not address the crowd.

3An Garda Síochána is the official title of the police force of the Irish State, an officer of the force is a Garda (plural: Gardaí).

4Ironically this street was the scene of a fatal (to two workers) police (DMP) attack on a street rally of the Irish Transport and General Workers Union at the beginning of the Dublin Employers’ Lockout to break the ITGWU. Buildings along this street were damaged and partly demolished by British artillery during the repression of the 1916 Rising.

5Liberty Hall was the title of the HQ of the ITGWU which was demolished after artillery destruction in 1916; it is now the title of the successor to that union following a number of amalgamations leading to the creation of SIPTU which is a far cry from the militancy of even the post-1913 ITGWU.

6One of the Signatories of the 1916 Proclamation of Independence, Commander of Dublin in the 1916 Rising, for which he was one of the 16 executed leaders of the 1916 Rising. Also a leading official of the ITGWU during the Lockout and in the union’s recovery. But also a leading revolutionary socialist, anti-imperialist, historian, author and songwriter.

7Written by Sammy as a tribute to his brother Larry who had founded and chaired the campaign in 2005 until his death in 2019 from brain cancer, Sammy donated the song for all proceeds to go to the Irish Cancer Society.

USEFUL LINKS AND FURTHER READING

Summerhill, Sammy’s lyrics sung by Eoghan Ó Ceannabháin: https://sammywheelockjr.bandcamp.com/track/summerhill

Previous Rebel Breeze articles on the Terence Wheelock campaign:
https://rebelbreeze.com/2023/08/26/protesting-death-of-youth-at-hands-of-garda/

Wikipedia entry (not thoroughly sanitised): https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Terence_Wheelock

PROTESTER BLOCKS NATO CHIEF’S ARMED GUARDS CONVOY

Clive Sulish

(Reading time: 3 mins.)

An Irish Palestine solidarity activist momentarily blocked NATO ‘Supreme European Commander’ Alexus Grynkewich’s armed convoy as he left the Dublin US Embassy on Wednesday, escorted by his bodyguards.

The activist was bashed against a wall by Gardaí, arrested and taken to Irishtown Garda station, released on Garda bail to attend court 2nd September.

The protest action appears to have been unplanned and came at the end of a weekly event, an hour of displaying flags and singing songs of resistance in front of the US Embassy’s main entrance organised by singer-musician Jimi Cullen which moved from the Israeli Embassy over a year ago.

A recent one of the weekly Wednesday musical protests at the US Embassy organised by Jimi Cullen (on extreme left of photo), this one on 5th September 2025 (Wk 158)

The event began as usual with a handful of people gathering at their usual spot at the triangular junction of Pembroke Road and Elgin Road. It appears that an RTÉ (national broadcaster) team were noted entering the Embassy from the Elgin Road side which alerted the activists to some unusual Embassy activity.

The activists moved down to direct shouts at the Embassy staff and military, shouts such as “US military out of Shannon!”, “US military baby-killers!” and “Free Palestine!”. A car collecting a leaving official was momentarily blocked by an activist who was removed by Gardaí.

Some time later the event was coming to an end with the usual group singing of An Dord Féinne with the chorus “Óró sé do bheatha ‘bhaile” etc and some of the group dispersed. Those who had not yet left however noticed a convoy of Garda and unmarked vehicles arrive.

It was at that point that Alexus Grynkewich, the NATO supremo, emerged from the Embassy building, escorted by his bodyguards and entered one of the vehicles. Before the convoy could take off, the activist ran in front of it, waving a Palestine flag and was grabbed by Gardaí.

After the activist’s detention and removal to Irishtown Garda Station and other activists attended the station, the activist was charged and bailed in his own recognisance and another activist arrived to give him a lift back to where his car was parked near the US Embassy.

Cartoon on the incident by D.Breatnach

NATO & IRELAND

Alexus Grynkewich is no stranger to US Imperialism/ NATO’s wars in the Levant and in Ukraine and his role in Ireland is to push for Ireland to join NATO and continue facilitating US military flights through Shannon. As far as the Gombeen class is concerned he’s pushing an open door.

Not so with the general Irish population, however, who have made it clear on a number of occasions that they wish the Irish State not to be a part of any external military alliance. The campaign to retain the ‘Triple Lock’1to prevent the Government abandoning official neutrality is ongoing.

While the occupied colony of the Six Counties is part of NATO, the Irish State is not. However it was revealed not long ago that the State has given permission to the Royal Air Force to patrol Irish skies and for many years, US military plains have been observed refuelling at Shannon Airport.

General Alexis Grynkewich, Supreme European Commander NATO (US/EU imperialist military alliance). (Photo source: Wikipedia)

In addition, the Ditch online media has logged planes being permitted to fly towards ‘Israel’ through Irish airspace while carrying weapons-grade material. NATO warships dock at Irish harbours a number of times a year.

Ireland’s current Presidency of the EU seems to be accelerating the State’s slide towards foreign militarisation and has already seen restrictions on the right to protest, with Gardaí closing a part of Dame Street to protest one day and moving protesters from in front of Trinity on another day.

A number of organisations have stated an intention to increase their protests against NATO and US imperialism while some regular broad pro-Palestine groups have indicated they will move their regular protests to outside the US Embassy in solidarity with the arrested activist.

Resistance is often met with State repression but in turn that too often generates more resistance. Voices of broad support for the activist have called for assembly outside the US Embassy at 2pm Wednesday 19th proceeding thereafter to the British Embassy to at 3pm where Jimi Cullen has temporarily relocated.

End.

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FOOTNOTES

1Before more than 12 Irish military may be sent on an external mission, it has to be 1) a formal Government Cabinet decision, 2) with Irish Parliamentary approval and 3) on a UN mission.

EXPULSION, SPLIT, RESIGNATION: IRISHFASCIST PARTY LOSES ANOTHER LEADER

Ryan Óg

(Reading time: 3 mins.)

Readers will, we’re sure, sympathise with Patrick Quinlan on his resignation from the leadership of the National Party, alleging undemocratic goings-on in the party’s ‘ard-chomhairle’. Undemocratic behaviour in a fascist party! Who’d have thought?

Apparently they voted him, their party leader, off their national committee for asking questions they found awkward and for making criticisms of some things they were doing and about things he thought they should do, which they weren’t.

Quinlan is the party’s only elected public representative, elected to Fingal County Council in 2024.1 Rather than targeting property speculators his election leaflet perpetuated the lie of ‘mass immigration’, that this was ‘fuelling inflation’ and ‘depriving our nation of affordable homes’.

No mention of big landlords. Or bankers. Though his voting record shows opposition to one rent rise plan he did vote in favour of ‘moderate rent increases’ and a time when the purchasing power of incomes is falling. Quinlan is clearly not a supporter of a program of universal rented housing,

But Quinlan, like his party, knows what’s important and will solve most of our problems, apparently and so he has participated in anti-migrant demonstrations and spoke at the pan-racist event in Dublin in April last year perversely linking their trajectory to that of the 1916 Rising.2

FOUNDING OF THE PARTY AND INTERNAL WORKINGS

Quinlan’s letter of resignation and the national committee’s response reveal interesting facets of the party’s internal workings: meetings are online, no minutes of meetings are kept but voting results noted on WhatsApp; the list of members (such as they may be) secret even from their leader.

The fascists who founded the NP did so in 2016, while other people were either preventing the fascist Pegida’s launch in Dublin,3 commemorating the centenary of the 1916 Rising or questioning why it and the subsequent War of Independence had failed to bring about the intended Republic.

Any notion that the racists and fascists might’ve shared those concerns can quickly be put to rest by examining the 1916 Proclamation of Independence, in particular the lines that “The Republic guarantees religious and civil liberty and equal opportunities for all.”4

The NP has had more than its share of splits and internal struggles, from the missing gold bars to the reported value of €400,000 (£344,000) stolen from the party’s vault5 (!) in July 2023 by ‘rivals’ in the NP, to Nazi6 Justin Barrett’s dismissal as leader (denied by Barrett) two weeks later.

Barrett in faux-Nazi officer greatcoat, addressing a small rally of fascists and other racists in Dublin’s Molesworth Street in July 2025. (Photo sourced: Internet)

Despite Barrett’s denials, he was replaced by James Reynolds, a party co-founder with Barrett who apparently made homophobic remarks at the party’s founding conference, defended by Barrett who confirmed the party’s bias to a putative supporter who then walked out of the conference.

However, two years later Reynolds was replaced by Patrick Quinlan.

Homophobia is a frequently visible and audible aspect of fascists and the far-Right generally and in July 2020 the party organised a rally against the appointment of Roderic O’Gorman, an openly gay man, as Irish Minister for Children, pushing the line that gay men are paedophiles.7

EARLY CAMPAIGNING AND OPPOSITION

The NP supported and spoke at a number of protests against requirements to wear face masks during the Covid epidemic, at one of which they also organised an attack by supporters armed with clubs upon unarmed counter-protesters, in which they were assisted by the Garda POU.8

A few months later, a number of NP supporters confronted and jostled an LBGT activist, one of them clubbing her on the head with a wooden batten wrapped in a flag. Despite Gardaí claiming that nothing happened, many recordings on video camera forced an admission.

NP member Michael Quinn pleaded guilty in court and in October 2021 was sentenced to three years prison, the final year suspended.9

The main activity along with most of the far-Right in Ireland has been in opposing immigration to Ireland and in particular opposing Muslims. Immigrants are alleged to get preferential access to resources over Irish people – in particular housing — and of living off state social benefits.

The far-Right also accuse immigrants of attacking women and preying on children. Proving these to be lies through use of statistics does not work since the far-Right are only interested in quoting statistics that seem to prove their theories.

Antifascists have targeted the party’s events a number of times, notably in a charge against their rally outside Leinster House on 10th October 2020, when Barrett told the Gardaí that the NP was on their side10 and begged for a safe escort away from the area (which the Gardaí supplied).

The party’s annual conference in November 2022 in the expensive conference centre in Lough Erne Resort, County Fermanagh (inside the British-occupied colony) was attacked by antifascists resulting in a number of NP requiring hospital treatment.

Just your local friendly fascist leaders (l-r): James Reynolds, Justin Barrett and Patrick Quinlan in days before expulsions, splits and resignations. (Photo source: Internet)

While the fascist movement in Ireland remains tiny and riven by splits, often as a result of career ambition and always due to competing egos, they remain a danger to vulnerable groups and to the democratic forces of resistance, particularly with State support, as currently in the Six Counties.

End.

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FOOTNOTES

1The only one elected out of nine NP candidates in various areas.

2See reference later to the text of the 1916 Proclamation of Independence.

3See https://rebelbreeze.com/2016/02/08/pegida-planned-launch-ends-in-sinking-survivors-take-to-lifeboats/

44th paragraph of the text.

5https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/aug/02/ireland-far-right-national-party-crisis-stolen-gold-claims

6Any doubts about the full accuracy of the appellation of ‘Nazi’ to Barrett can quickly be dispelled by reference to some of his utterances and to his dress sense on occasion.

7Fascists and other far-Right activists frequently throw that slur, not only at LBGT people but also in general at antifascists and anti-racists.

8Public Order Unit (what used to be called the ‘Riot Squad’). See also https://the-beacon.ie/2020/10/10/clashes-at-far-right-rally-as-national-party-leader-tells-gardai-you-are-of-us-and-we-are-of-you/ though clearly not a report of someone who was actually there. Witnesses will spot the inaccuracy of “Both groups could be seen attempting to push back the barriers separating them” which is what might have appeared from brief video clips; in fact the NP were pushing the barriers to block the antifascists while the latter were trying to remove or overcome the barriers to close with the NP supporters.

9https://the-beacon.ie/2021/10/19/national-party-member-gets-prison-for-attack-on-lgbtqia-activist-izzy-kamikaze/

10https://the-beacon.ie/2020/10/10/clashes-at-far-right-rally-as-national-party-leader-tells-gardai-you-are-of-us-and-we-are-of-you/

SOURCES & ADDITIONAL READING

Not wishing to give right-wing media as source but has been confirmed by others including https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1EQayHNHB5/?

At the time of writing, Wikipedia had not yet caught up with the leadership change https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Party_(Ireland,_2016)

RACIST RANTER CLAIMS HE HAS BEEN A ‘POLITICAL PRISONER’.

Clive Sulish

(Reading time: 4 mins.)

Racist Graham Carey, unfortunately familiar to many for his posted videos of himself in a vehicle or in his bedroom, ranting about various things, in particular during the Covid epidemic in Ireland, has ended up in court for his virulent racist posts.

In common with most racists, he posted lies that he invented himself or parroted those invented by others. He’d been doing that for a long time but what got him into trouble with the Law was his role in mobilising people for an attack on Finglas Garda Station back in January 2023.

A woman had reportedly been attacked in the area and the rumour quickly spread that a migrant had been responsible. Of course Irish people can and do attack women but that wouldn’t be reason for a riot – but a migrant suspected? Obviously Irish warrior Carey would have to do something!

And so did other ‘Irish Warriors’ who quickly gathered and threatened the Garda station because allegedly ‘they weren’t doing anything about it’. The Gardaí went so far as to state that the alleged assailant was Irish but of course, to Carey and Co., that was obviously a cover-up.

Carey first came to the attention of the suffering public on social media when he was screaming on his video about Covid conspiracies, ‘unreasonable’ mask-wearing requirements and travel restrictions of the time but he quickly enough progressed to rabid racism.

Carey tended to be a solo video warrior and on at least one occasion in a larger gathering, possibly with Irish Yellow Vests1 on Custom House Quay, could be seen on video making threatening moves towards a few counter-protesters but moved away when they stood their ground.

His public defiance melted quickly when arrested over the Finglas incident and social media posts, apologised to Gardaí for being in error and in his first court appearance meekly offered the judge to have his bail on condition imposed he refrain from posting any more rants on social media.

In court more recently, with a pack in the courtroom to give him immoral support, he’s got some of his spine back as one can tell from this unusually detailed report on his court hearing.2

Carey claimed he had been ‘tried by media’ and accused the Garda witness, Detective Inspector Gavin Ross of not doing his job and said “there was never a rape in Finglas, they set it up to get me” and claimed he was “a political prisoner”.

He’s also claimed in the past that MI5 were stirring up other well-known fascists and racists against him.

Antifascist counter protesters have observed on many occasions how lenient the Gardaí have been towards fascists and other racists in general but leading a mob invading a Garda station and threatening the Gardaí presumably tends to remove some of that tolerance.3

Charged with using words that were threatening, abusive or insulting and intended to or likely to stir up hatred and distribution of a recording of images or sound likely to stir up hatred, both charges which he denied, Carey was found guilty by a unanimous jury last April.

The quoted statements from a transcript of his livestream produced in court were typical Carey style: the Government is “rewarding evil” by allowing “rape-ugees” into the country “in order that they can rape our people” and this is “putting your daughters on the fucking menu for them”.

The virulent and lying content continued: “we’re here because women are being raped, Facebook want your children raped. If we don’t see this as a war, then we are going to lose the war.”

“Our own people are going to be raped by them. These are not refugees. We are going to get these fucking rapists out of here.”

“Get back to where yiz (sic) came from. Get the fuck out of here before you die on this island. If you refuse to get the fuck out of here you’re going to die on the island and we’ll fuck your bleeding corpse into the sea.”

“We are going back to the law of the land. We have enough local lads to do what has to be done.”

Carey certainly knows how to stir up some people’s fears though otherwise his level of intelligence may be in question .

When he claimed that he had not been in Finglas but rather in ‘Northern Ireland’ (sic) when he recorded his 30-minute ranting video, Carey might not have been aware that the lorry he was driving would prove he had been driving in the State jurisdiction, which it did.

More to the point, perhaps, it seems he was actually on video leading a mob into the Garda station.

The offences come with a maximum penalty of a fine of €10,000 or two years imprisonment. The court was told Carey has previous convictions for careless driving, driving while over the limit, intoxication in a public place and threatening and abusive behaviour and two speeding offences.

The intoxication while driving might well assist in producing the volume and vitriol of some of his driving cab videos.

Carey chose to defend himself but wanted legal representation when found guilty as he could be facing a prison sentence. Of course, solicitors currently are engaged in industrial action in protest at the recent flat-rate one-off payment to lawyers representing clients granted legal aid.

He has been granted three adjournments to facilitate finding legal representation but apparently continues to be unsuccessful.

It would be a pity were this rabid racist ranter able, whatever the sentence, to claim unfair treatment due to lack of legal representation. But what could a lawyer actually do to help him? Ask for mercy (in front of his support pack)? Claim a difficult childhood? Mental illness? Substance abuse?

End.

SOURCES:

https://www.breakingnews.ie/ireland/graham-carey-to-be-sentenced-for-incitement-to-hatred-offences-1931021.html

1An Irish initiative piggy-backing on the French movement of the same name, it attracted a wide support until it became clear that the leadership were Islamophobic, homophobic and with racist threads within the movement.

2https://www.breakingnews.ie/ireland/graham-carey-to-be-sentenced-for-incitement-to-hatred-offences-1931021.html

3  The Garda witness said that Carey stated that “if gardaí don’t get out, he wasn’t responsible for what happened in the Garda station.”

EU MINISTERS MEETING IN DUBLIN SPARKS ‘NO WAR’ PROTEST

Clive Sulish

(Reading time:2 mins.)

As the Irish State holds the Presidency of the European Union now and for six months hence, ministers of EU governments met in Dublin yesterday and today, the latter giving rise to an anti-war and pro-neutrality picket near Dublin Castle.

Since the Irish State’s incumbency of the EU Presidency the Irish State has forbidden demonstrations from Dame Street/ Gt. George’s Street junction to Lord Edward1 Street, along with the display of flags along that stretch.

Demonstrators in favour of the retention of the Irish State’s formal neutrality took up position at the south end of Parliament Street, directly facing City Hall. The Gardaí closed most of the street entrance and had crowd barriers erected across it, which the protesters then lined with their banner.

View of some of the protesters and banner, also of the Starry Plough flag (centre photo) and pedestrianised Parliament Street leading to the river. City Hall is behind the photographer and Dublin Castle behind that again. (Photo: Rebel Breeze)

The letters on the Green, White and Orange banner read EU WAR MONGERS. NO MORE WAR. LEAVE OUR NEUTRALITY ALONE. Leaflets with the same colours on one side were distributed while the reverse expanded on the main slogan, in particular calling for retention of the Triple Lock.2

Some passing vehicles sounded their horns in solidarity.

The city was busy with pedestrian tourists and others enjoying the sun. The heat bore down on the demonstrators facing into the sun and on the backs of the Gardaí facing them and the demonstrators (some of whom had already picketed the Hatch St. EU office), packed up after an hour.

One flag alone flew over the protesters, the Starry Plough, flag of the Irish Citizen Army, the workers’ militia formed to defend the strikers and locked out workers in Dublin in 1913 and which later took part in the 1916 Rising, their leader, James Connolly,3 being overall Commander.

View of some of the protesters and banner, also of the Starry Plough flag (centre photo) and pedestrianised Parliament Street. City Hall is behind the photographer and Dublin Castle behind that again. (Photo: Rebel Breeze)

Coincidentally perhaps, City Hall was garrisoned by the Irish Citizen Army during the Rising and a steel plaque on its wall records the names of the Volunteers who fought there and in nearby buildings – half of which are women’s names (the ICA recruited women as well as men).

End.

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FOOTNOTES

1Named after Edward Fitzgerald (1763-4 May 1798), one of the leaders of the United Irishmen, the revolutionary Irish Republican organisation. Often incorrectly referred to as ‘Lord Edward’, he had renounced his title, his sister later saying of him that the only title he aspired to was that of ‘Paddy’. Edward Fitzgerald went into hiding from British occupation forces but remained in the Liberties area, where his hiding place was discovered and he was wounded and arrested, having killed one of his would-be captors and injuring another. He died in jail reportedly of neglect by the authorities of his wounds.

2A provision that no more than 12 Irish State armed forces personnel may be sent on active service anywhere outside the State unless on UN mandate, a decision of the Government and a majority decision of the Irish Parliament. The suspicion is widespread in Irish society that the Irish ruling class wishes to dispense with the ‘Triple Lock’ or even to ignore it in order to commit the Irish State to NATO (or an EU armed force).

3Trade union leader, historian, journalist, revolutionary socialist, one of seven signatories of the 1916 Proclamation of Independence. Born Edinburgh (1868), executed by British firing squad on 12 May 1916.

SOURCES

https://irish-presidency.consilium.europa.eu/en/events

IRISH STATE PRESIDENCY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION — PROTEST CLOSES DUBLIN CITY CENTRE STREET

Diarmuid Breatnach

(Reading time:4 mins.)

As the Irish State marked the start of its six-month Presidency of the European Union, a protest march calling for Irish neutrality and an end to EU collusion with ‘Israeli’ genocide in Palestine headed for the formal event, closing a principal street to traffic.

Section of the crowd at Central Plaza. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

A Call to Action poster had promoted the protest to take place at the Plaza in Dublin’s south side city centre in front of a multi-story building, formerly HQ of the Central Bank of Ireland. Curiously, the name of no party, campaign or collective convening the protest appeared on the poster.

Groups of various Palestine solidarity or of pro-Irish neutrality nature, anti-war and left-wing nature, along with many individual activists congregated at the Plaza while a group from the weekly broad Dubs for Palestine meeting outside Leinster House1 marched to meet them there.

Some banners among the crowd at Central Plaza. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

The ‘Granny Squares for Gaza’ quilt was unrolled, featuring up to 2,900 squares, each one representing 10 Palestinian children killed by the IOF and volunteers, along with its custodians, held it at around waist height.

Soon afterwards, the crowd of several hundred took up the westward traffic side of Dame Street and began to march towards Dublin Castle,2 where the Irish Government was marking the first day of its EU Presidency. However a police line blocked progress at the junction with George St.

After a temporary stand-off, the marchers moved to occupy both sides of Dame street and traffic could no longer proceed westward or eastward along the street. The crowd continued with slogans in solidarity with Palestine, against ‘Israel’, for peace, against war, for warplanes out of Shannon.

Another banner at the Plaza. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

The Irish State is the second-biggest single importer of ‘Israeli’ exports, next only to the USA. Permitted flights over Irish airspace have been identified carrying war material to ‘Israel’ and US warplanes regularly refuel at Shannon Airport, despite the state’s ‘neutral’ status.

Richard Boyd Barrett of the People Before Profit, which seemed now to be leading the demonstration addressed the crowd informing them that the police had said earlier that they could proceed to the square immediately before City Hall and hold the protest event there.

They had reneged on that which is the reason why traffic was now blocked in the street, Barrett told the crowd and introduced Jimi Cullen to perform for the crowd. Cullen, who has performed at a US Embassy picket for 122 weeks up till then, sang his We Are All Palestinians composition.

Jimi Cullen in full voice. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

The crowd joined in the chorus, words with which they have become familiar in chants through many demonstrations.

A police officer approached Barrett requesting to speak to him and both went aside as one of the Dubs for Palestine group took up leading the chants. Barrett returned later to inform the crowd that the police had offered a different route down side streets, which had been rejected.

Cullen then performed his song defending the Irish State’s neutrality status with which the Irish ruling class are trying to dispense, after which Barrett invited the crowd, while the megaphones sounded sirens to lie on the ground in evocation of the many Palestinians being killed by the day.

Also another banner at the Plaza before the march. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

COMMENT

It was good that the capital city saw agitation opposing the Irish State joining military ventures of the EU and USA imperialist alliances and also against Irish collusion in the genocide in Palestine.

Those leading the march were unwise to accept the police assurance that they would allow the march to proceed to just before City Hall. A PBP-led march to protest Hillary Clinton’s 2012 visit to Dublin Castle had been told they could proceed there but were stopped just before City Hall.

Wednesday’s march was stopped even further from the Castle, which is a step further in curtailing protest, ensuring those inside the Castle will not even hear a hint of opposition. The police obstruction could have been bypassed by diverging through side streets but it was not attempted.

Though individual members may have been there, no Irish Republican organisation was notably present which probably accounted to an extent for the very scarce presence of Tricolour flags (and only one Starry Plough). PBP and their followers do not generally fly those flags.

However their absence cannot be attributed to any ambivalence: Irish Republicans are in strong antipathy to the Irish Government and to the institution of the European Union.

Only one of the slogans called from the front of the march referred to the colonial occupation of one-sixth of Ireland, viz. ‘From Ireland to Palestine/ Occupation is a crime!’ but it was from the Dubs and as is usual with PBP, in none of the speeches was there a mention of it.

Not one word of Irish language was spoken through the PA, not even the Saoirse don Phalaistín slogan.

The lie down to conclude the protest. The Gardaí may be seen in the distance blocking any advance of the march towards Dublin Castle or even the square beside City Hall. People are in most cases lying on the quilt of which each square represents 10 Palestinian children killed by ‘Israel’. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

MOVING FORWARD

For the defeat of colonialism, imperialism and capitalism in Ireland, a revolutionary mass movement will be essential. For that in turn, construction of an anti-imperialist broad front is an essential task.

That requires those claiming Irish Republicanism to be present on mobilisations alongside those claiming revolutionary socialism or just anti-imperialism.

If use of the Irish language is to be popularised and the civil rights of Irish speakers in Ireland protected, Gaeilge must be heard in particular among the most progressive sections of society.

End.

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FOOTNOTES

1This broad group meets every Wednesday from 12 noon to around 1.00 pm. listening to speeches, songs and poems. Two of their major campaigns are seeking to have the genocide-funding Allianz company kicked out of the Gaelic Athletic Association and, more recently, to prevent the Irish soccer team playing the ‘Israeli’ one.

2For centuries centre of administration and repression of Ireland by the English occupation.