DEATH BY GARDA VIOLENCE — CAMPAIGNERS STILL LOOKING FOR JUSTICE

Diarmuid Breatnach

(Reading time: 5 mins.)

Two members of the Irish Parliament1 and four Dublin municipal Councillors2 accompanied Wheelock family members, neighbours and other campaigners in a march to Store Street Garda3 Station, where Terence Wheelock had received fatal injuries.

The event took place on the afternoon of Saturday 12th September and commenced with a rally outside the GPO. Despite the passing of an anti-Trump visit demonstration of reportedly 25,000 a little earlier, tens of supporters were present for the Wheelock protest.

Terence Wheelock was a young man of 20 years from a working-class area in Summerhill, in the north Dublin inner city in 2005. Leaving his home to purchase some paint brushes to decorate his room, he stopped to talk to some youths beside a recently-stolen car.

When a group of Gardaí arrived, the youths scattered, Terence among them, the Gardaí chasing and detaining four youths including Terence, bringing him to Store Street Garda station. When he left that station apparently some hours later, it was in a coma to the Mater Hospital.

He never recovered consciousness and died three-and-a-half months later.

According to the Wheelock family, the Gardaí who came to inform them of the young man’s whereabouts misinformed them of the location, therefore denying their ability to obtain Terence’s clothes or demand crime scene security of Terence’s cell, which was quickly redecorated.

Relatives and supporters of the Terence Wheelock campaign in front of Store Street Garda station a week ago on Saturday. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

OUTSIDE THE GPO ON SATURDAY

At the rally outside the iconic GPO building in Dublin’s O’Connell Street in the north city centre, one of Terence’s older brothers, Sammy, announced the purpose of the gathering to those present and the many curious passers-by, both resident and visiting.

Sammy took over as coordinator of the campaign for justice regarding Terence from an older brother, Larry, after the latter died of brain cancer in 2019.

Called first to speak was elected Dublin City Councillor Marie Sherlock, a member of the Labour Party, who commiserated with the Wheelock family on their loss and remarked on their persistence in the campaign over the years, vowing to continue supporting them until justice was achieved.

Marie Sherlock speaking at the rally outside the GPO. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

Less welcome to my ears and probably to at least some others were her words that she would ‘support the Gardaí’ and ‘the Minister for Justice’ in seeking an inquiry into the cause of Terence Wheelock’s death. ‘Support’ for the Gardaí was far from the tone of most campaign demands.

Next to speak was Daniel Ennis, until fairly recently an elected Dublin City Councillor of the Social Democrats party, which he now represents as a TD (elected representative to the Irish Parliament). Ennis spoke mainly as a resident of primarily a working-class area of Dublin city.

Daniel Ennis TD addressing the pre-march rally at the GPO. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

Sammy Wheelock also introduced Gemma Dunleavy, the petit rapper from Sheriff Street background on the north-eastern side of the city centre, who has highlighted the Terence Wheelock case in the past.

Dunleavy performed one of her pieces organised around numbers such as ‘Thirty-seven, the number of photographs taken of injuries on Terence’s body’ and ‘zero, the number of people held accountable for Terence’s death’.

Rapper Gemma Dunleavy outside the GPO performing her piece about the killing of Terence Wheelock. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

After Dunleavy’s performance, Sammy Wheelock announced the intention to march to Store Street Garda station, detention location for two hours of his younger brother Terence in September 2005 before admission to the Mater Hospital in a coma, followed by death three-and-a-half months later.

Sammy also referred to the harassment by Gardaí of the Wheelock family wanting to intimidate them from campaigning.

The march, with banners and placards, proceeded along O’Connell Street, the city’s main thoroughfare, chanting call-and-answer: Say his name: Terence Wheelock! For Justice to be imposed, the guilty must be exposed! What do we Demand?Answers! When do we demand them? Now! What do we want? Justice! When do we want it? Now! Guilty: Garda!

Reaching the Liffey river that bisects the city, the march turned left along Eden Quay,4 then left at Butt Bridge, passing Liberty Hall5 and the monument to James Connolly.6 As they neared Store Street, Sammy pronounced it ‘one of the most corrupt Garda stations in Ireland.’

One of the banners, seen here outside the GPO during the pre-march rally. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

OUTSIDE THE GARDA STATION

Family relatives lined the steps of and with their backs to the Garda station, displaying the campaign’s placards and banners while supporters gathered facing them to listen to speakers.

Dublin City councillors Conor Reddy of the People Before Profit party, Madeleine Johannson (non-party) and Janice Boylan of the Sinn Féin party addressed the crowd, along with James O’Toole of Red Media and, for the second time, Daniel Ennis TD (Soc. Dems).

Conor Reddy speaking outside the Garda station (Paul Murphy, TD may be seen behind, caring for his child which is out of shot). (Photo: D.Breatnach)

Reddy, Ennis and O’Brien all related their origins in working-class areas of Dublin and their familiarity with the hostile attitude of the authorities, especially the Gardaí, to the residents of those areas, particularly the youth. Reddy mentioned another family campaign around Garda violence.

James O’Toole referenced ‘the thin blue line’ used to describe the police and their defence of democracy but pointed out that people’s experience of that ‘blue line’ differed remarkably according to upon which side of the line they found themselves.

O’Toole pointed out that although people from working class areas tend to find themselves universally on the ‘wrong’ side of the ‘blue line’, at times, due to taking militant action, people normally on the ‘right’ side of that line can find themselves subjected to Garda violence.

Boylan, speaking briefly, apologised for her absence from the campaign heretofore but promised support for the future. Reddy spoke about the need for youth social provision, justice system diversion programs and drug prevention treatment facilities for young people.

Sammy Wheelock, brother of Terence and chairperson of the campaign, addressing the crowd outside Store St. Garda station. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

Both Sammy and Robert Wheelock, another brother, spoke eloquently from their prepared speeches about the loss of their brother, the effect on their family and in particular on their mother, unable to be present for health reasons but who sent her thanks to those present.

The brothers spoke about the future that Terence never had a chance to experience and the loss also to the daughter he left behind. Both of them also pointed out that although their campaign sought justice in relation to Terence, it implied the need for justice across Irish society.

Sammy called Vera Lynch from Tallaght forward to speak about her own struggle for justice around the killing of her son Stephen Lynch by a hit-and-run driver but the Gardaí, who failed to investigate the crime with any rigour.

Speaking outside the Garda station, Lynch said her son, a father of three, had been knocked down by a car ten years ago and then reversed over but neither multiple phone calls attempting to speak to the investigating Garda nor an email to the Minister of Justice had achieved any result.

Eoghan Ó Ceannabháin in front of Store Street Garda station singing “Summerhill” by Sammy Wheelock. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

Sammy introduced Eoghan Ó Ceannabháin to sing Sammy’s lyrics of Summerhill, his song to the air of Spancil Hill.7 Ó Ceannabháin of the PBP party sang the song well, which was no surprise as he is a talented singer in the traditional sean-nós style, from a musical family from Connemara.

At conclusion of the song, Sammy led the crowd in a few more chants directed at the Gardaí, thanked all for their attendance and promised to keep pushing for an independent inquiry into the killing of Terence Wheelock and for measures to ensure no similar experience for anyone in future.

Some youth supporting the rally outside Store Street Garda station – the next generation of Garda targets? (Photo: D.Breatnach)

FOCAL SCOIR

The State’s defenders tend to hope that the grind of the passing years will sap the energy of campaigners or that they will die of ill-health, trauma or old age before any question arises of acknowledging guilt over the behaviour of those defenders and responsibility of the State itself.

In July this year Osgur Breatnach received from the High Court, after decades campaigning, a Certificate of Miscarriage of Justice for his 1978 Sallins Mail Train robbery conviction on the basis of a ‘confession’ obtained, Breatnach has always maintained, through Garda ‘Heavy Gang’ torture.

End.

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FOOTNOTES

1Often incorrectly referred to as ‘the Dáil’ from the also incorrect official title of ‘Dáil Éireann’ (‘Parliament of Ireland’); it lost any claim to that title held since 1919 when in 1999 the State sponsored successfully an amendment to the Constitution of the State to abandon its claim to sovereignty over the Six Counties of the British colony. The two TDs included Paul Murphy, who was not one of the speakers.

2Including Ciaran Perry, non-party, who was present but did not address the crowd.

3An Garda Síochána is the official title of the police force of the Irish State, an officer of the force is a Garda (plural: Gardaí).

4Ironically this street was the scene of a fatal (to two workers) police (DMP) attack on a street rally of the Irish Transport and General Workers Union at the beginning of the Dublin Employers’ Lockout to break the ITGWU. Buildings along this street were damaged and partly demolished by British artillery during the repression of the 1916 Rising.

5Liberty Hall was the title of the HQ of the ITGWU which was demolished after artillery destruction in 1916; it is now the title of the successor to that union following a number of amalgamations leading to the creation of SIPTU which is a far cry from the militancy of even the post-1913 ITGWU.

6One of the Signatories of the 1916 Proclamation of Independence, Commander of Dublin in the 1916 Rising, for which he was one of the 16 executed leaders of the 1916 Rising. Also a leading official of the ITGWU during the Lockout and in the union’s recovery. But also a leading revolutionary socialist, anti-imperialist, historian, author and songwriter.

7Written by Sammy as a tribute to his brother Larry who had founded and chaired the campaign in 2005 until his death in 2019 from brain cancer, Sammy donated the song for all proceeds to go to the Irish Cancer Society.

USEFUL LINKS AND FURTHER READING

Summerhill, Sammy’s lyrics sung by Eoghan Ó Ceannabháin: https://sammywheelockjr.bandcamp.com/track/summerhill

Previous Rebel Breeze articles on the Terence Wheelock campaign:
https://rebelbreeze.com/2023/08/26/protesting-death-of-youth-at-hands-of-garda/

Wikipedia entry (not thoroughly sanitised): https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Terence_Wheelock

EXPULSION, SPLIT, RESIGNATION: IRISHFASCIST PARTY LOSES ANOTHER LEADER

Ryan Óg

(Reading time: 3 mins.)

Readers will, we’re sure, sympathise with Patrick Quinlan on his resignation from the leadership of the National Party, alleging undemocratic goings-on in the party’s ‘ard-chomhairle’. Undemocratic behaviour in a fascist party! Who’d have thought?

Apparently they voted him, their party leader, off their national committee for asking questions they found awkward and for making criticisms of some things they were doing and about things he thought they should do, which they weren’t.

Quinlan is the party’s only elected public representative, elected to Fingal County Council in 2024.1 Rather than targeting property speculators his election leaflet perpetuated the lie of ‘mass immigration’, that this was ‘fuelling inflation’ and ‘depriving our nation of affordable homes’.

No mention of big landlords. Or bankers. Though his voting record shows opposition to one rent rise plan he did vote in favour of ‘moderate rent increases’ and a time when the purchasing power of incomes is falling. Quinlan is clearly not a supporter of a program of universal rented housing,

But Quinlan, like his party, knows what’s important and will solve most of our problems, apparently and so he has participated in anti-migrant demonstrations and spoke at the pan-racist event in Dublin in April last year perversely linking their trajectory to that of the 1916 Rising.2

FOUNDING OF THE PARTY AND INTERNAL WORKINGS

Quinlan’s letter of resignation and the national committee’s response reveal interesting facets of the party’s internal workings: meetings are online, no minutes of meetings are kept but voting results noted on WhatsApp; the list of members (such as they may be) secret even from their leader.

The fascists who founded the NP did so in 2016, while other people were either preventing the fascist Pegida’s launch in Dublin,3 commemorating the centenary of the 1916 Rising or questioning why it and the subsequent War of Independence had failed to bring about the intended Republic.

Any notion that the racists and fascists might’ve shared those concerns can quickly be put to rest by examining the 1916 Proclamation of Independence, in particular the lines that “The Republic guarantees religious and civil liberty and equal opportunities for all.”4

The NP has had more than its share of splits and internal struggles, from the missing gold bars to the reported value of €400,000 (£344,000) stolen from the party’s vault5 (!) in July 2023 by ‘rivals’ in the NP, to Nazi6 Justin Barrett’s dismissal as leader (denied by Barrett) two weeks later.

Barrett in faux-Nazi officer greatcoat, addressing a small rally of fascists and other racists in Dublin’s Molesworth Street in July 2025. (Photo sourced: Internet)

Despite Barrett’s denials, he was replaced by James Reynolds, a party co-founder with Barrett who apparently made homophobic remarks at the party’s founding conference, defended by Barrett who confirmed the party’s bias to a putative supporter who then walked out of the conference.

However, two years later Reynolds was replaced by Patrick Quinlan.

Homophobia is a frequently visible and audible aspect of fascists and the far-Right generally and in July 2020 the party organised a rally against the appointment of Roderic O’Gorman, an openly gay man, as Irish Minister for Children, pushing the line that gay men are paedophiles.7

EARLY CAMPAIGNING AND OPPOSITION

The NP supported and spoke at a number of protests against requirements to wear face masks during the Covid epidemic, at one of which they also organised an attack by supporters armed with clubs upon unarmed counter-protesters, in which they were assisted by the Garda POU.8

A few months later, a number of NP supporters confronted and jostled an LBGT activist, one of them clubbing her on the head with a wooden batten wrapped in a flag. Despite Gardaí claiming that nothing happened, many recordings on video camera forced an admission.

NP member Michael Quinn pleaded guilty in court and in October 2021 was sentenced to three years prison, the final year suspended.9

The main activity along with most of the far-Right in Ireland has been in opposing immigration to Ireland and in particular opposing Muslims. Immigrants are alleged to get preferential access to resources over Irish people – in particular housing — and of living off state social benefits.

The far-Right also accuse immigrants of attacking women and preying on children. Proving these to be lies through use of statistics does not work since the far-Right are only interested in quoting statistics that seem to prove their theories.

Antifascists have targeted the party’s events a number of times, notably in a charge against their rally outside Leinster House on 10th October 2020, when Barrett told the Gardaí that the NP was on their side10 and begged for a safe escort away from the area (which the Gardaí supplied).

The party’s annual conference in November 2022 in the expensive conference centre in Lough Erne Resort, County Fermanagh (inside the British-occupied colony) was attacked by antifascists resulting in a number of NP requiring hospital treatment.

Just your local friendly fascist leaders (l-r): James Reynolds, Justin Barrett and Patrick Quinlan in days before expulsions, splits and resignations. (Photo source: Internet)

While the fascist movement in Ireland remains tiny and riven by splits, often as a result of career ambition and always due to competing egos, they remain a danger to vulnerable groups and to the democratic forces of resistance, particularly with State support, as currently in the Six Counties.

End.

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FOOTNOTES

1The only one elected out of nine NP candidates in various areas.

2See reference later to the text of the 1916 Proclamation of Independence.

3See https://rebelbreeze.com/2016/02/08/pegida-planned-launch-ends-in-sinking-survivors-take-to-lifeboats/

44th paragraph of the text.

5https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/aug/02/ireland-far-right-national-party-crisis-stolen-gold-claims

6Any doubts about the full accuracy of the appellation of ‘Nazi’ to Barrett can quickly be dispelled by reference to some of his utterances and to his dress sense on occasion.

7Fascists and other far-Right activists frequently throw that slur, not only at LBGT people but also in general at antifascists and anti-racists.

8Public Order Unit (what used to be called the ‘Riot Squad’). See also https://the-beacon.ie/2020/10/10/clashes-at-far-right-rally-as-national-party-leader-tells-gardai-you-are-of-us-and-we-are-of-you/ though clearly not a report of someone who was actually there. Witnesses will spot the inaccuracy of “Both groups could be seen attempting to push back the barriers separating them” which is what might have appeared from brief video clips; in fact the NP were pushing the barriers to block the antifascists while the latter were trying to remove or overcome the barriers to close with the NP supporters.

9https://the-beacon.ie/2021/10/19/national-party-member-gets-prison-for-attack-on-lgbtqia-activist-izzy-kamikaze/

10https://the-beacon.ie/2020/10/10/clashes-at-far-right-rally-as-national-party-leader-tells-gardai-you-are-of-us-and-we-are-of-you/

SOURCES & ADDITIONAL READING

Not wishing to give right-wing media as source but has been confirmed by others including https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1EQayHNHB5/?

At the time of writing, Wikipedia had not yet caught up with the leadership change https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Party_(Ireland,_2016)

MARCHERS PROTEST TERENCE WHEELOCK’S DEATH, AS YET ANOTHER DIES IN GARDA CUSTODY

Diarmuid Breatnach

(Reading time: 3 mins.)

As campaigners marched in Dublin on June 6th seeking justice for the death of Terence Wheelock in a Garda station in 2005, yet another death in Garda custody was announced in the media.1

Crowd gathering beside Remembrance Garden before Terence Wheelock protest (Photo: D.Breatnach)

Terence Wheelock was a young man from Summerhill, a north Dublin inner-city area housing many from a working class background. On that fateful day he set out to buy a paintbrush for a painting job but was ambushed by Gardaí lying in wait for youths who had stolen a car.

Terence had nothing to do with that but his protests were ignored and it may be that his insistence on his innocence merely infuriated the Gardaí further. In Store Street Garda station Terrence acquired his fatal injuries which the Gardaí claimed resulted from attempted suicide.

However, the Gardaí directed the family to the wrong hospital for Terence, which gave them the time and opportunity to dispose of his clothes (which were never produced in evidence) and quickly redecorated the cell in which Terence had been held.

Tension between youths and police is a well documented social fact but when the youth are from working class areas a certain dimension is often added to that antagonism. In addition, the Gardaí are aware that the families of the youths lack access to middle-class sources of social influence.

MARCH THROUGH CITY CENTRE TO GARDA STATION

Saturday’s protest began at Dublin’s Garden of Remembrance with a rally addressed by Sammy Wheelock, brother of the deceased Terence and campaigner for justice for the family over many years, taking over a leading role from another brother, Larry Wheelock who died a few years ago.

Campaign banner held up beside Remembrance Garden by (R-L) Sammy Wheelock and Mary Lou McDonald. (Photo supplied by S.Wheelock)

The march set off down along Parnell Square and into O’Connell Street, Dublin city’s main thoroughfare, down to the quays and left along to the Busáras, turning left again there and up to Store Street Garda station, the location where Terence Wheelock received his fatal injuries.

In front of the station Conor Reddy and Boyd Barrett of PBP both spoke, as did Janice Boylan of Sinn Féin, James O’Toole of Red Media and Sammy Wheelock again. Róisín Tracy read a poem and Jacob Guerin sang a song, both compositions regarding Terrence’s death.

Sammy Wheelock commented also on the harassment and rough treatment meted out to young men from the area on their way to or from work or college, when they are identified by their casual street clothes of tracksuits, etc. This is also a theme taken up in an article by the Aontacht media.2

A clip posted on Facebook recently (believed to be from the Coolock area) shows two plainclothes Gardaí treating a youth roughly while they search him.3

According to a report published by Fiosrú, the office of the Police Ombudsman,4 incidents in or following Garda custody accounted for eight referrals in 2024, involving five deaths and three serious injuries. The report for 2005 is awaited.5

The Gardaí have also killed before any arrest, as with George Nkencho who was shot dead during a mental illness episode in the family garden in 2020, Mark Hennessy in a car park in 2018, Gareth Molloy (2009) and Ronan Mac Lochlainn (1998) both shot by undercover Gardaí.

In each of those cases and in others the Gardaí have been officially exonerated of any blame.

Solidarity with Palestine protesters, housing activists occupying empty property and anti-NATO protesters have all been subjected to Garda violence6 and humiliation7 during the past year.

As the State feels a growing necessity to increase repression and as economic conditions worsen, Garda violence will be on the increase with a probable increase also in deaths at their hands.

It is essential for all revolutionary, progressive and civil liberty sectors of society to unite against Garda violence, to protest incidents of Garda violence and to keep alive the memory of past incidents of violence by the police force of the Irish State.

There will be another public event in the campaign on Saturday September 19th with details to be announced nearer the time.

end.

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FOOTNOTES

SOURCES

https://www.fiosru.ie/news-and-publications/latest-news/fiosru-publishes-inaugural-report-on-incidents-of-death-and-serious-harm

https://www.facebook.com/share/1HCQNVHE6a

https://aontachtmedia.ie/the-blue-wall-of-silence-around-terence-wheelock

1https://www.rte.ie/news/dublin/2026/0607/1577165-garda-custody-death/ Fiosrú said that they would not comment as an investigation was underway but that did not prevent a number of media outlets and the Gardaí from making public remarks about the deceased’s alleged character and alleged crimes, the subtext seeming to be that it’s all right that he died in Garda custody or at least that no-one should worry too much about where and how he died.

2https://aontachtmedia.ie/the-blue-wall-of-silence-around-terence-wheelock/

3https://www.facebook.com/share/1HCQNVHE6a/

4This agency is funded through the Department of Justice but claims to be independent, i.e not biased towards the Gardaí, a claim disputed by people including myself (from personal experience).

5https://www.fiosru.ie/news-and-publications/latest-news/fiosru-publishes-inaugural-report-on-incidents-of-death-and-serious-harm/

6Baton blows, rough handling such as throwing to the ground, handcuffs cutting circulation, pepper-spraying into the face from very close proximity and even breaking a foot.

7Strip-searched in each case.

THE DICEMAN CAMETH

Diarmuid Breatnach

(Reading time: 4 mins.)

Alerted by a sibling to a short exhibition on the life of the Spice Man (Thom McGinty), a remarkable performance artist and character of Dublin streets particularly associated with Grafton Street, I was fortunate to view it on its final day.

The exhibition was part of the annual Phizzfest’s annual program and was staged in the Bohemians FC room above the Phibsborough shopping centre. The space was a moderately-sized room with a few installations, a film projector, panels of images and text displayed on the walls.

One of the panels at the exhibition.

Sadly the chatter of a number of people made it difficult – for me at least – to understand all the audio accompanying the film footage but some of the images were very interesting, in particular the reaction of Dublin adults and children to the Spice Man’s street performances.

When he spoke it was with a Scottish accent, having been born to a father from Donegal and mother from Wicklow and reared in a village outside Glasgow from where he recalled journeying on holidays to Baltinglass for family reunions.

He came to economically-depressed Ireland in 1976, trying his hand at a number of occupations before he found the one that both gave him success and defined him publicly.

Typically, his performance was silent, his movement stilled or gradual, slow but moving to avoid arrest.1 But his costume and makeup were something else. Though McGinty later initiated performances in social and political protest, his initial ones in Dublin were commercial promotions.

A gaming shop called The Dice Man was the first of these and the one that gave him the nickname by which he became known and found fame. It was one of the commercial promotions, ironically not a political one, that ended with his arrest.

The promoters of a run of The Rocky Horror show in Dublin hired Thom to promote their show which he did, walking the street in ‘horror’ facial makeup, a cerise basque, fishnet stockings and a thong. He was arrested.

McGinty was charged with acts contrary to public decency under Section 5 of the Summary Jurisdiction (Ireland) Amendment Act, 1871, and with breach of the peace. Thom protested that these were his working clothes and he had been contracted to wear them.

According to the arresting gardaí, complaints had been made that Thom’s buttocks were clearly visible, “and the only thing covering his genitals was a G-string.” He was bailed from Store Street Garda Station pending the trial but could not be released until he was given a raincoat to wear.

The Act, which is still on the statute books (according to the exhibition text) had sexual connotations and could be used against gay people. McGinty’s lawyer raised the ramifications of a conviction under this Act and the judge sentenced him to probation without recorded conviction.

The 1991 production of the Rocky Horror Show at the Bord Gáis Theatre could not have asked for better publicity and McGinty personally got exposure (!) internationally and offers of work abroad as a result, from which he always returned to Ireland.

Among social causes which Thom protested with performance was the financial penalty on the Union of Students in Ireland for breach of injunctions by publishing anti-pregnancy choice information in a case pursued by SPUC.2 Another was against restrictions on the sale of condoms.3

Thom’s performances and the causes espoused would have been of interest to me had I been living in Ireland at the time but they touched on my family in Dublin a number of times. Foremost was his support for the wrongly accused, framed and brutalised of the Sallins Mail Train robbery.

One of the panels at the exhibition.

It is nearly 50 years since three socialist Republicans were wrongly convicted and sentenced to nine and twelve years imprisonment. As a result of much campaigning, two of the accused, one of whom is a sibling of mine, were released with convictions revoked after 18 months in Portlaoise jail.

The third accused, who had absconded the day prior to the sentence, returned to Ireland and was immediately jailed, campaigners then switching to obtain his freedom, gained only ‘on humanitarian grounds’ after four years in jail and a hunger strike of 38 days.

Satirising the ‘sleeping judge’ in one of the Sallins trials (he was clearly seen sleeping but his co-judges and State denied it and then to embarrassment of State, he died days later). In suits, two of the framed, (l-r) Nicky Kelly and Osgur Breatnach. One of the panels at the exhibition.

A recent concert, packed both by audience and performers in the Vicar Street Dublin venue was organised by yet another sibling to promote a campaign for an inquiry into how that travesty of justice could be carried out by state police, Government and judiciary right up to the High Court.4

Thom was a strong supporter of liberal social rights such as the right to prevent pregnancy or birth and for gay and lesbian rights. His defence of framed Irish Socialist Republicans centred on their right to a fair trial and not to be brutalised, as did his support for the Birmingham Six.

One of the panels at the exhibition.

But he was far from being an Irish Republican. Dressed as the Grim Reaper with scythe, Thom also led a delegation of ‘Peace Train’5 people in protest to the offices of Provisional Sinn Féin where, in a twist of fate, it was another sibling of mine who had to receive him and to face the cameras there.

At the time, SF was the political party leading a struggle for Irish reunification and independence from British occupation and, though its leadership and much of the party’ base support was socially conservative, it was not that which focussed the attacks of two states and a statelet6 upon it.

And those armed and judicial attacks were backed by the imperialist and neocolonial-dominated liberal and social-democratic sector of society, the likes of the ‘Peace (sic) Train’ and ‘Peace Women’.7 I would have argued strongly with Thom I’m sure but regret very much his passing.

Thom McGinty (1952-20/21 February 1995)

Thom McGinty’s funeral, from one of the panels at the exhibition.

end.

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FOOTNOTES

SOURCES

Biography Thom McGinty: https://www.thejournal.ie/readme/the-dice-man-5007353-Feb2020/

The Sallins Mail Train frame-up and campaign: https://sallinsinquirynow.ie/

The ‘Peace People’ etc, Mairéad Corrigan/ Maguire: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mairead_Maguire

1On ‘loitering’ charges.

2Society for the Protection of the Unborn Child. After a long struggle ending pregnancy became legal within the Irish state but regulated under the Health (Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy) Act 2018, allowing for termination on request up to 12 weeks of pregnancy. Following a 2018 referendum, abortion services began on 1 January 2019, providing free access for residents.

3Following campaigning and public defiance of the law, restrictions on the sale of condoms were only finally removed in 1993 in the Irish state.

4https://sallinsinquirynow.ie/

5https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peace_Train_Organisation The issue is not whether bombing the railway line was a useful activity or not but rather that its condemnation took the place of condemning and drawing attention to the British occupation of a colony in Ireland and the brutal repression of resistance to that occupation.

6Although it has the trappings of a state, the Northern Ireland (sic) Assembly is a UK colonial administration.

7

TWO RECENT EVENTS CONNECTED DECADES EARLIER

Diarmuid Breatnach

(Reading time: 3mins.)

A recent arrest in France and concert in Dublin are connected by events in both countries a half-century earlier.1

The arrest in question by French police was on 16 April of Mahmoud Khader Abed Adra, for alleged involvement in the 1982 attack on the Jo Goldenberg restaurant in the Marais district of Paris.2

The report of the arrest came less than a week after the Dublin commemoration by concert of another event, also half a century earlier. And strangely, there was a connection between both events.

On 11 April, a concert was held in Vicar Street to commemorate the arrest, torture, framing of three Irish Socialist Republicans and their jailing in 1986.3

Musicians, poets and journalists came together at the event, organised by musician Cormac Breatnach, brother of one of the accused, to commemorate the event and to press for an inquiry into three activists being tortured into making false confessions incriminating themselves.

And into how, despite their retractions and medical evidence of torture, they were then convicted of an event they had not committed. And how the legal system, from the Court of Appeal to the High Court, had all colluded in the injustice.

The trial in Ireland was for the Sallins Mail Train Robbery of 1976. The convicted three were Osgur Breatnach, Nicky Kelly and Brian McNally: Breatnach and Kelly were sentenced in the no-jury Special Criminal Court to 12 years, McNally to nine.

The day before sentence, Nicky Kelly jumped bail but returned nearly two years later when the convictions of Breatnach and McNally were deemed ‘unsafe’ and that their statements had ‘not been made voluntarily’.

However, the State insisted that the time period for registering an appeal had by then been exceeded and it took much campaigning and his own hunger strike before Kelly was finally released, on a Presidential pardon for a crime he had not committed.

A fourth, Mick Plunkett, had stood trial with the three on the same charges but having succeeded in not making a false confession under torture and threats, was finally acquitted. The French connection with the extradition of Mahmoud Khader Abed Adra, is Plunkett’s.

Mick Plunkett4 had decided that, despite his escaping the framing, that the Garda Heavy Gang5 would be out to get him and that a departure to other climes might he healthy. Plunkett settled in France but did not give up his politics.

Photo: Joel Robine/ AFP

The Jo Goldenberg restaurant was subjected to a grenade and firearms attack on 9 August 1982, killing six and injuring 22.

On 28 August that year, Plunkett, Mary Reid and Stephen King (not the novelist) were arrested by a special anti-terrorist unit of the Gendarmerie (perhaps Le Gang Lourd, the Heavy Gang a la Francaise!).

The police claimed that all three were part of a terrorist organisation and that leaflets confirming that had been found in their apartment. And also firearms. All the allegations were vigorously denied by the three Irish activists.

Eventually the case against all three fell apart and they were released with, in time, the Gendarmerie admitting that the evidence against them had been ‘planted’ and the special unit was disbanded.6

One of the acts which the French police had claimed for the organisation of which they had falsely claimed membership of Plunkett, Reid and King was the attack on the Jo Goldberg Restaurant — the same incident for which the French Police have now charged Mahmoud Khader Abed Adra.

The French state got Khader Abed by extradition from Occupied Palestine. The State of Israel does not extradite its citizens anywhere but the Palestinian Authority was willing to do the job for France, which last year had officially recognised ‘the State of Palestine.’

end.

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Footnotes

1This story was published recently in the Irish language-only weekly An Páipéar (available in newsagents and online).

2https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/4/17/france-arrests-suspect-over-1982-attack-on-jewish-restaurant

3https://www.irishexaminer.com/opinion/commentanalysis/arid-41819201.html

4See report on his funeral https://rebelbreeze.com/2022/05/04/death-of-a-retired-warrior/

5https://sallinsinquirynow.ie/heavy-gang-named/

6 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_of_Vincennes

Sources & Further reading

https://www.independent.ie/irish-news/false-arrest-victims-call-on-judge-to-act-against-french-police/26257140.html

Irishman Among Activists Against Genocide Jailed by the German State

Diarmuid Breatnach

(Reading time: 3 mins.)

An Irishman, Daniel Tatlow-Devally is one of five people who allegedly damaged equipment in the Israeli arms company Elbit in Germany last year. They are charged under anti-terror legislation and kept in solitary confinement in separate jails.

Daniel’s mother complained that for a month friends and relatives were prevented from making any communication with the detained: “They thought we’d disowned them.” By the time the trials are expected to conclude, the five will have spent around around 11 months in custody.1

Two weeks ago Daniel’s father addressed the weekly Dubs for Palestine rally outside Leinster House in Dublin to raise awareness of his son’s situation and to ask for support. A protest at the German Embassy has been organised for Monday 27 April at 1pm.2

In recent years the German state has earned a reputation for repression of freedom of expression of pro-Palestine sentiments or criticism of the Israeli Zionist state, including banning demonstrations, classifying anti-Zionism as ‘anti-Semitism’ and arresting people for wearing the kiffiyeh.

A 2025 report “documents how German authorities systematically curtail freedoms of assembly, expression, academia, and art when it comes to anti-genocide protests and advocacy for Palestinian rights …

… from legal repression, criminalisation, and surveillance to delegitimizing dissent within the educational sector, arts, and media. Such measures …. form a pattern of political persecution that undermines democratic principles and international human rights obligations.

European legal expert Alice Garcia of the European Legal Support Centre (ELSC) cautioned that current practices in Germany are “unequivocally comparable to practices of authoritarian regimes.”

The Civic Space Report 2025 by the European Civic Forum identifies Germany as one of the most repressive EU states in relation to Palestine advocacy, highlighting the systematic misuse of public order laws and excessive use of executive and police power (European Civic Forum, 2025, p. 20).3

Their police have been widely accused of violence towards peaceful demonstrators and a video circulated widely on 28 August 2025 showing a Berlin police officer punching Kitty O’Brien twice in the face, causing her to bleed and the same officer snapped the humerus bone in their arm.4

O’Brien was charged with assault but the circulation of video of the incident caused the police to change the charge to ‘insulting the police’ by calling them “genocide supporters”.

Speaking on RTÉ’s News at One on 5 August, Kitty described their injuries after arriving home from hospital the previous day: “I have a broken nose, a broken humerus bone (with 11 screws holding the bone together), and potentially long-standing radial nerve damage.”5

Last year an independent protest took place outside the Dublin German Embassy about the treatment of Kitty O’Brien, other Palestine solidarity protesters and the German state’s collusion with the genocide of Palestinians by the ‘Israeli’ state, its biggest supplier of arms after the USA.

HISTORICAL GENOCIDE ‘GUILT’ USED TO JUSTIFY GENOCIDE TODAY

Ironically, Germany’s ruling class uses the Nazi history of its state’s genocide of Jews (also Roma, Disabled, Gays & Lesbians, Communists etc) as justification for its support for the Zionist state’s genocide of Palestinians today. But that ‘guilt’ also infected the Left resistance movement.

For many years large sections of the German Left would counter calls for solidarity with struggles of national liberation abroad with their support for anti-nationalismus (anti-nationalism), erroneously identifying that as the source of fascism, rather than just a factor exploited by fascists.

In the mid-19th Century and up until the 1930s, most observers expected Germany to be the first socialist state, so powerful were its communist and social-democratic movements. Even after the Communist Party had been banned by Hitler, it received around 4.8 million votes.

After the defeat of Nazism in the Anti-Fascist War (WWII) the USA recruited not only Nazi scientists but also Nazi intelligence agents for its anti-Soviet campaigns and built NATO as an imperialist military alliance and a specifically anti-communist alliance, with Germany at its heart.

The USA built military bases across Germany and, after the fall of the USSR, began to spread NATO membership in states eastward to encircle Russia.

The German state has hard economic motivation for supporting the Israeli state in addition to any ideological reasons; after the USA, Germany is the biggest arms supplier to the Zionist State6 and approved $7.8 million in arms exports to Israel during the USA and Israel’s strikes on Iran.7

Daniel can be written to:
Daniel Tatlow-Devally,
JVA Ulm,
Frauengraben 4,
89072 Ulm,
An Ghearmáin.

End.

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Footnotes

1https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/germany-five-activists-held-alleged-elbit-systems-break-in-isolation-families-say

2The German Embassy’s address is 31 Trimleston Road, Booterstown in the south-eastern Dublin suburbs, about 10 minute’s walk from Booterstown train Station on the DART system. By BUS: Rock Road, Bellevue Avenue – Routes serving this stop: 4, 7, 7A, 8. CAR: No parking available on site – on-street parking (Pay & Display, max. 3Hrs).

3https://elsc.support/resource_ext/repression-of-palestine-solidarity-in-germany/

4https://www.rte.ie/news/2025/0905/1532044-irish-activist-berlin/

5Ibid.

6https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2025/11/germany-arms-transfers-to-israel-reckless-unlawful-and-risks-complicity-in-israels-international-crimes/

7The approvals ran from 28 February to 27 March and were disclosed in responses from the Economy Ministry to queries by The Left party.

Links

https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/germany-five-activists-held-alleged-elbit-systems-break-in-isolation-families-say

NEW YEAR’S WISHES 2026 … AND REALITY

Diarmuid Breatnach

(Reading time: 2 mins.)

As the northern hemisphere turned eastwards and the majority western calendar turned to a new year, it has been customary for people to wish one another a ‘Happy New Year’, not just for the first day of January but for the twelve months to come.

Although the Celtic New Year will not begin until the first of February, and the new year begins with “teacht an Earraigh … tar éis na Féile Brighde”, I have done likewise but with deep feelings of ambivalence.

Because facing us as 2026 progresses is genocide in some parts of the world, growing fascism in some other parts, tighter squeezes on working people, smaller proxy wars and, almost certainly, a larger war, with desperate migrations of people, if surviving death to find racism and exploitation.

Faced with armed occupation and genocide, armed resistance is justified and arguably necessary, even were it not established as a right within the Geneva Convention. But even unarmed and peaceful resistance is being penalised and repressed, including in the ‘Western democracies.’

Support and solidarity organisations are being outlawed, people expressing legitimate opinions against genocide, racism, ethnic cleansing and armed occupation supported by those ‘democracies’ are being hounded in their jobs and private lives, beaten and arrested by police and even shot dead.

But where there is oppression there is also resistance. The struggles against the racist and genocidal entity, though supported in arms, finance and politically by the Western ‘democracies’ have awoken people in those countries to solidarity action in the face of their governments’ opposition.

(Cartoon by D.Breatnach)

Hugely important lessons have been learned: about the nature of the Zionist state, about the collusion of the ‘democracies’ in colonial occupation and genocide, about ‘the independence of the judiciary’ and the ‘free press’, along with the partiality and ineffectiveness of ‘international law’.

And also about the ineffectiveness of liberal opinion and organisations, even in their heartlands of the ‘democracies’, to achieve meaningful change or even stop the repression. And about how the State knows this and reacts most violently against direct solidarity action.

Organic links have become clear between war in Yemen and Somalia, the spread of Islamist jihadism and imperialism, between prison struggles in Palestine, Britain and Ireland, between the troubles of the world and much of their origins among the colonial and imperial powers.

Yes, where there is repression, there is also resistance and our duty lies in feeding that resistance in all the ways that we can, including being visible in protests at their trials and supporting them in jail. And impeding our ruling class’ attempts to tie us to NATO or other military alliance.

So what I wish for is an increase in the militant resistance of the masses and greater unity in struggle, simultaneously with greater disunity among the imperialist states and ruling classes, bringing us closer to the kind of world we need.

I wish that for us all throughout 2026.

End.

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“THE MOST VIOLENT EVICTION I’VE EVER SEEN”

Diarmuid Breatnach

(Reading time: 3mins.)

Five people sitting down to a meal were surprised by a knock on the door of their residence. What followed amounted to an hours-long Garda siege ending in arrests and the residents and supporters gathering outside being pepper-sprayed and beaten.

A housing activist who has witnessed many evictions said it was the most violent eviction they had ever seen.

A house empty for many years in the Phibsboro area had been occupied by around four people who invited a fifth to share a meal on Monday 15 December. As they were about to sit down to eat the Gardaí arrived and told the occupants that they were criminally trespassing.

The occupants explained that they had been living in the building for some time and had keys, so any accusation of trespass would be of a civil kind requiring court orders and not at all a criminal one on which Gardaí are empowered to act. The Gardaí however remained and more arrived.

Local people responding to a call for support against an illegal eviction began to arrive as did more Gardaí until there were around 13 Garda vehicles present, including the Public Order Unit; a number of attempts to batter the door down were made which were however unsuccessful.

People protesting what appeared to be an illegal eviction were pushed and shoved by Gardaí and after a while also pepper-sprayed and batoned. After some hours had elapsed the police succeeded in smashing a back window and battering down an internal door, gaining access to the building.

The people inside raised their hands to indicate no resistance being offered (some were reportedly even sitting down) but allege that they were nevertheless pepper sprayed and beaten. Four were dragged out to Garda vehicles and the remaining person was violently assaulted again.

The road outside had by this time been cleared by the Gardaí. The five arrested were taken to a police station where at least some, male and female, allege they were stripped and cavity searched, measures totally inappropriate in this kind of arrest or similar.

It will be recalled that a number of Mothers Against Genocide group protesting outside Leinster House complained of the same during their detentions in Dublin in June although the Government’s spokesperson denied to some TDs that this had occurred.

That same week anti-NATO peaceful protesters had also been pepper-sprayed and the ankle of one broken by Gardaí while a Palestine solidarity activist at DCU was dragged to the ground, with allegations of strip-searching among those too.

Video by Anti-Imperialist Action outlining the source of Dublin’s housing crisis.

All five residents of the house were charged with offences including causing fear (!) and criminal damage, kept in custody overnight and brought to court, where they were released on bail to return to court at a date in the New Year.

GARDAÍ HELPING MAINTAIN HOMELESSNESS

This Garda operation and abuse of legal powers took place in the context of the highest recorded number of homeless to that date, with 16,600 people in emergency accommodation, including morethan 5,200 children and over 4,600 women,1not counting those sleeping on the street.

And with well over a hundred thousand buildings lying empty,2 a situation constituting a paradise for property speculators, vulture funds, banks and big landlords – but misery for thousands renting, struggling with a mortgage, in unsuitable accommodation, sofa-surfing or on the street.

Indeed, the property at which the Garda violent eviction took place was reportedly empty for many years before its occupation.

A couple of years ago a group called the Revolutionary Housing League occupied empty Dublin buildings and called for people across Ireland to do the same. Sadly, their call was not followed and Gardaí mobilised huge operations including helicopters to evict a handful of occupants.

Three chief Irish Government Ministers some years past (one still in place) and Gardaí photoshopped on to 18th Century eviction scene in Ireland (original photoshopping of Gardaí by Spice Bag). (Image sourced: Internet)

HUMILIATION AND VIOLENCE

Strip and cavity-searching are demeaning psychological and physical invasions and should have no place in most policing actions. Even in jail, an x-ray chair is available. However strip-searching has been a constant over the years in use against political prisoners.

As violent and degrading actions become normalised in political repression they will be extended further, spreading to all kinds of policing operations.

Cartoon by D.Breatnach

Gardaí normalising the use of pepper-spraying against Palestine solidarity and anti-NATO direct action activities are now extending this to other types of activities of which they disapprove, even those in the sphere of civil law and outside criminal law.

As the State increases its repression, the democratic and revolutionary movements will need to increase their resistance, calling also for the active solidarity of wider society with the victims and in condemnation of the State and its police force.

End.

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FOOTNOTES

1https://www.rte.ie/news/ireland/2025/1031/1541519-homeless-figures/

2https://www.irishtimes.com/ireland/housing-planning/2024/05/21/number-of-vacant-and-derelict-homes-brought-back-into-use-for-social-housing-fell-last-year/ and https://www.irishexaminer.com/news/arid-41728497.html

SOLIDARITY AND RESISTANCE IN MUSIC AND SPOKEN WORD IN DUBLIN

Clive Sulish

(Reading time: 3 mins.)

Thursday night (30th), with almost non-stop downpour of rain was a dreary and miserable one in Dublin. Not so however inside the Cobblestone’s back room where solidarity and resistance resounded in song, instrumental and spoken word.

The event organisers, Solidarity Sessions collective, an independent organisation founded late last year have declared a number of times that they wish to contribute to “creating a community of solidarity and resistance through culture.”

Certainly the flags on the stage of the Tricolour, Starry Plough and Palestine conveyed some of the context, as did posters of 1916 martyrs Connolly and Pearse with text pointing out that the first was a migrant and the second, son of a migrant.1

In addition a merchandise stall sold T-shirts figuring the Palestinian Resistance with funds raised going to Palestinian relief work on the ground. Solidarity Sessions have also donated to ‘buy’ a water truck from Uisce for Gaza and also donated to Streetlink Homeless Support in Dublin.

Mark Flynn performing at Solidarity Sessions No.3 in the Cobblestone. (Photo: R.Breeze)

The material performed on stage contributed much of solidarity and resistance also. This was the third event this year and the second at the Cobblestone pub, one other being at the International Bar and the fourth expected at the Peadar Brown pub on Southside’s Clanbrassil Street.

There was a lot of audience participation at times during the evening, with Alan Burke joined from the floor in the chorus of his spirited rendition of The Aul’ Triangle (to which he added a verse of his own) and Sive was accompanied on request by continuous refrain under her singing.

Mark Flynn was also backed by the audience in his adaptation of A Roving I’ll Go to a sailing to Portugal song he told his audience he had put together in minutes of a creative flash the like of which he ruefully admitted not having experienced since. Flynn also sang Bogle’s antiwar Waltzing Matilda.

Alan Burke performing at Solidarity Sessions No.3 in the Cobblestone. (Photo: R.Breeze)

The audience was extremely quiet during Dorothy Collin’s spoken word pieces about assassinations by the Zionist Occupation and Palestinian resistance, interrupting her performance with applause only after a haiku in Irish and at a point where she became visibly emotionally affected.

The Resistance Choir included in their performance an exuberant Bread and Roses, the lyrics originating in a speech at a mostly female textile workers’ strike in Massachusetts, USA in 1912 and Burke sang of an innocent miner framed on a murder charge and hanged – but pardoned posthumously.

Class struggle was also present in Burke’s singing My Name Is Dessie Warren, about a trade union activist with flying pickets2 during the 1970s construction workers’ strike in England. Some were tried under the Conspiracy Laws and jailed, including Ricky Tomlinson and Des Warren.3

The Resistance Choir about to perform at Solidarity Sessions No.3 in the Cobblestone, being introduced by the MC, Ru O’Shea. (Photo: R.Breeze)

ANNOUNCEMENTS

Three imminent resistance events were announced from the stage: Friday morning, due to appear in court4 were two Palestine solidarity activists attacked by Gardaí at Dublin Port and a good show of numbers in solidarity was requested.5

On Saturday a picket in solidarity with Irish Republican prisoners would be held outside Kilmainham Jail6 and on Sunday a demonstration to blockade Dublin Port was announced, people being requested to gather at The Point on the north Liffey quays.

Sive, who performed at Solidarity Sessions No.3 in the Cobblestone. (Photo sourced: Internet)

The organising collective, volunteers on door duty and the performers all donated their services free of charge. Further donations will be made to causes considered worthy, the collective assured their guests and supporters.

Ru O’Shea, MC for the evening, thanked all the performers who gave their services for free, the audience for their attendance, supporters staffing the door, the Cobblestone and sound engineer. The next Solidarity Sessions night will be at Peadar Brown’s on Thursday 4th December.

Ongoing “contributing to building a community of solidarity and resistance.” And outside, it had stopped raining for awhile.

End.
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FOOTNOTES

1James Connolly was born into the Irish diaspora in the poor area of Cowgate in Edinburgh and first came to Ireland as an adult in response to an invitation to found the Irish Socialist Republican Party. Subsequently Connolly went to the USA for a period before returning to Ireland (therefore 3 times a migrant). Patrick Pearse was born and raised in Dublin but his father was English. Both Pearse and Connolly were executed in Kilmainham Jail with another twelve by British bullets after their surrender of the 1916 Rising.

2‘Flying pickets’ operate in principle like the guerrilla ‘flying columns’, sending a large number of union picketers to specific locations chosen in secret, thereby reducing the opportunities for the police etc to mobilise at the spot in advance

3Ricky Tomlinson after release became a famous actor, mostly in comic roles. Warren developed Parkinson’s from forcible injections with restraining drugs and long periods in isolation in jail, dying not long after release. I remember the case and campaigns when I was working in England and a period afterwards when I was briefly active in the Construction Safety Campaign and read statistics about on average a construction worker killed weekly and one seriously injured daily on British construction sites.

4Yes, the Gardaí charging with criminal offences people they pepper-sprayed and batoned without warning.

5For report on that, see https://rebelbreeze.com/2025/10/31/strong-solidarity-support-for-arrested-port-blockade-activists/

6Kilmainham Jail was a British colonial prison in Dublin, also used for a while by the Irish Free State to imprison the Resistance during the Civil War/ Counterrevolution. It is now a very popular museum and holds the execution site of 14 prominent Irish Republicans after their surrender in 1916.

SAVAGE GARDA REPRESSION OF PALESTINE SOLIDARITY ACTION

Diarmuid Breatnach

(Reading time: 4 mins.)

PALESTINE SOLIDARITY MARCHERS PEPPER-SPRAYED AND BATONED WITHOUT WARNING.

An action on Saturday in an attempt to stop the genocide of Palestinians was brutally repressed by Gardaí pepper-spraying the marchers without warning before beating many with truncheons and threatening others, then issuing a lying statement.

On Saturday (4th October) the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign had organised another of their monthly National marches from the Garden of Remembrance through Dublin city centre to Leinster House1 but a much smaller section departed for Dublin Port.

View of a section of the Palestine solidarity march on Saturday proceeding along O’Connell Street. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

In the context of port protest shut-downs in various parts of the world, Italy in particular, the intention seemingly was to blockade traffic into and out of Dublin Port; also in the context of the Irish state being a huge importer of Israeli products, second only to the USA.

The shut-down marchers left the main march at O’Connell Bridge and proceeded along the Liffey quays heading for the Port as IPSC stewards tried to discourage anyone from joining them, stooping as low as to accuse them over a loudspeaker of splitting the march and of betraying Gaza.

There had been a number of Port traffic blockade actions recently, all of which had ended without violence. No doubt the Irish ruling class were worried that they might escalate and spread and gave orders to the Gardaí to attack the marchers and to terrorise any others from emulating them.

As the marchers reached the Public Order Unit police line and stopped, some of the police began to push marchers, almost immediately some Gardai standing in a second row starting to pepper-spray marchers over the heads of their colleagues but the wind pushed some of it back in their faces.

POU Gardaí to the right of the crowd then drew their truncheons and started to strike viciously at the marchers, who were now pushing into the Garda line. Eventually the marchers broke, people staggering off to the side, eyes streaming, unsteady on their feet. Even then, they were pursued.2

At least two marchers were arrested at the event and another in a solidarity demonstration outside the Criminal Court building that evening. The charges include Public Order charges and resisting arrest. Once again, marchers complained they were forcibly strip-searched in the police cells.3

CAPITALIST MEDIA

RTÉ online’s report was clearly totally based on a Garda statement without any attempt to investigate, although video footage was soon circulating on social media. Try to contact participants for their side of the story? See whether there were photos or video clips available? Don’t be silly!

The Garda account is totally at variance with what can be seen on the video, as has often been the case. One recalls the assault with a length of wood by a fascist on an LGBT campaigner who was observing a National Party rally outside Leinster House and a Garda told her to leave the area.

The Garda statement to the media on that occasion was that there had been no incidents but unfortunately for them there was ample video recording of the event, the assault, the victim’s head streaming with blood, the senior Garda ordering her away … and they had to change their story.

A few weeks prior to that, unarmed antifascists counter-protesting an anti-masking protest organised by fascists on Custom House Quay were attacked by fascists wielding clubs and metal bars. As the antifascists fought back, the POU charged in and attacked the antifascists!

On that occasion too their statement to the press completely omitted that event.

The media is doing a good job of exposing themselves as not only keeping to the imperialist pro-Zionist discourse about events in Gaza and the rest of West Asia, but keeping also to the home front discourse that big business and cops are good and protesters a problem.

We appear in the Irish state to be entering a period of Garda repression backed up by media acquiescence, similar to what was passed through in the 1980s, with Garda repression on the street but also operations by the ‘Heavy Gang’, raiding and beating up detainees to obtain a ‘confession’.

The liberal civil rights sector was quite active then calling out Garda violence, framing of innocent people and judicial collusion. There is much less of that liberal resistance to be seen these days.

A rare enough sight – an Irish-language placard on Saturday’s march in Dublin. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

THE IPSC MARCH

The IPSC went ahead on Saturday with many thousands on their march, demonstrating once again, as over the past two years, that the Irish public is overwhelmingly in support of the Palestinians and totally against the genocide and ethnic cleansing by the Zionist state.

Over the years, the IPSC’s activities have contributed to that awareness and sympathy in Irish society but so too have the actions of the Israeli governments and their armed forces, captured in photos and videos by journalists and ordinary Palestinians and posted on social media.

But Israel has not ceased its genocide; not one Palestinian life has been saved by the marches. The Irish Government has not ceased any of its concrete collusive actions with Israel. The imports continue, the armaments fly through Irish airspace, Shannon airport continues militarised.4

The IPSC’s Chairperson admitted as much, speaking at their rally near Leinster House: “Simon Harris has called Israel’s actions ‘genocide’, ‘unconscionable’ and ‘unacceptable’ — yet the Irish Government is barely lifting a finger to end Ireland’s deep complicity in this genocide.”

A section of the Palestine solidarity main march in Dawson Street, while thousands more are already in Molesworth Street (out of sight to the right of photo). (Photo: D.Breatnach)

Had the IPSC mobilised the thousands to march down to the docks, it would have been a very different story on Saturday. Something to make the Government really reconsider its collusion. The IPSC could still do that. But will it? We can hope but current practice tells us otherwise.

Then others will have to do the deed. Others like Mothers Against Genocide, Action for Palestine Ireland and Saoirse Don Phalaistín, for example. And they will continue to be assaulted and arrested, facing fines, restrictions on freedom of movement and … ultimately, no doubt … jail.

Apart from the baton and pepper-spraying injuries, one of the marchers is reported to have a broken arm. Two were arrested at the Port and one at the court solidarity protest Saturday evening. Today others attended court in solidarity with one of the arrested (who had abrasions on her cheek).

We should be part of these disruptive actions and if we are not, for whatever reason, the least we can do is to call out those who denounce them and to organise support for those who are, in and out of the courts.

End.

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Gathering outside the Dublin Court in solidarity with one of the assaulted and arrested Port marchers. Her case was postponed. (Photo: D.Breatnach)

FOOTNOTES

1Sometimes another Government building.

2All of that is evident from the video footage shot from that side of the event. Violent shoving by Gardaí sent some people to the ground, including a disabled woman.

3There was outrage expressed when Gardaí compelled detainees at a Mothers Against Genocide protest outside Leinster House to strip in the police cells. The Minister for Justice claimed that Garda CCTV footage refuted those claims but strangely, it appears that no CCTV footage was available when lawyers asked to view it. https://www.instagram.com/mothersagainstgenocide/p/DJ_nOewxQAp/

4And the Irish Central Bank intends, after a pause, to offer Israeli war bonds once more.

SOURCES

Capitalist media: https://www.rte.ie/news/dublin/2025/1004/1536847-two-arrested-after-protest-near-dublins-port-tunnel/

https://www.breakingnews.ie/ireland/thousands-call-for-sanctions-on-israel-during-dublin-rally-1815092.html

Citizen video of the POU attack at the Port: Instagram