Israel uses white phosphorus munitions in Gaza during Operation Cast Lead.
Norman Finkelstein published a book a number of years ago entitled Gaza: An Inquest Into Its Martyrdom.
In it he looked at various major episodes in the long bloody onslaught on the people of Gaza, amongst them Operation Cast Lead and also the attack on the boat Mavi Marmara and the Goldstone Report, amongst other issues.
He could have written it yesterday about the current genocidal plans of the Israeli state.
The current Israeli offensive is just one more in a long line of massacres. This is not a review of Finkelstein’s book, though any book by him is worth reading and should be read. Rather I just want to use the book to show that what is happening now is not new, it is just more intense.
Israel has murdered before, it has lied, it has committed war crimes and it has always received the support of western states.
Above all we should be clear that we are where we are partly due to the Oslo Accord and also the role played by the Palestinian Authority and the PLO. They cannot wash their hands of the affair.
“One of the meanings of Oslo,” former Israeli foreign minister Shlomo Ben-Ami observed, “was that the PLO was . . . Israel’s collaborator in the task of stifling the intifada and cutting short . . . an authentically democratic struggle for Palestinian independence.”
Rabin (left) and Arafat shake hands on the Oslo Accords under the management of then US President Clinton. (Photo sourced: Internet)
In particular, Israel contrived to reassign to Palestinian surrogates the sordid tasks of occupation. “The idea of Oslo,” former Israeli minister Natan Sharansky acknowledged, “was to find a strong dictator to . . . keep the Palestinians under control.”
“The Palestinians will be better at establishing internal security than we were,” Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin told skeptics in his ranks, “because they will not allow appeals to the Supreme Court and will prevent the Association for Civil Rights in Israel from criticizing the conditions there. . .
They will rule by their own methods, freeing, and this is most important, the Israeli soldiers from having to do what they will do.”(1)
In other words, Gaza has bled under the passive gaze of the bureaucrats of the Palestinian authorities and of course of the reactionary Arab regimes that have never lifted a finger to help their Palestinian brothers and sisters.
They have not even threatened to cut off the supply of oil to the West, something they could do right now, but won’t. It has also happened under the gaze of those on the Left who run around shouting Implement Oslo! Two State Solution!
They ignore the fact that Oslo represented an ideological, political and military defeat for the Palestinians. The PLO accepted its role as puppet, administrator of a small urban city-like council and as chief repressor of those who continued to fight for Palestinian freedom.
A look at the Oslo II Accord, signed in September 1995 and spelling out in detail the mutual rights and duties of the contracting parties to the 1993 agreement, suggests what loomed largest in the minds of Palestinian negotiators.
Whereas four full pages are devoted to “Passage of [Palestinian] VIPs” (the section is subdivided into “Category 1 VIPs,” “Category 2 VIPs,” “Category 3 VIPs,” and “Secondary VIPs”), less than one page—the very last—is devoted to “Release of Palestinian Prisoners and Detainees,” who numbered in the many thousands…
The barely disguised purpose of Oslo’s protracted interim period was not confidence building to facilitate an Israeli-Palestinian peace but collaboration building to facilitate a burden-free Israeli occupation.(2)
However, Israel is now militarily weak. Finkelstein points to a number of attacks where it has shown its weakness. Its predilection is for attacks on the civilian population that can’t fight back.
In 2006, it opted to bomb civilians in Lebanon rather than engage in a proper fight with Hezbollah “terrorizing Lebanese civilians appeared to be a low-cost method of “education.”(3)
In Gaza in Operation Cast Lead in 2008/9, it followed a similar path of aerial bombardments of civilians rather than land invasions, that would see its troops face the wrath of Hamas and other armed organisations. So first they relentlessly bombed Gaza before any troops went in.
When the troops went in, the civilian population was their preferred target then as it is now. The murder of civilians is not new. It is part of an Israeli strategy of claiming easy victories.
An Israelicombatant remembered a meeting with his brigade commander and others where the “rules of engagement” were “essentially” conveyed as, “if you see any signs of movement at all you shoot.”
Other soldiers recalled, “If the deputyBattalionCommander thought a house looked suspect, we’d blow it away. If the infantrymen didn’t like the looks of that house—we’d shoot” (unidentified soldier); “If you face an area that is hidden by a building—you take down the building.”
Questions such as ‘who lives in that building[?]’ are not asked” (soldier recalling hisBrigadeCommander’s order);
“As for rules of engagement, the army’s working assumption was that the whole area would be devoid of civilians … Anyone there, as far as the army was concerned, was to be killed” (unidentified soldier);
“We were told: ‘any sign of danger, open up with massive fire” (member of a reconnaissance company); “We shot at anything that moved” (Golani Brigade fighter); “Despite the fact that no one fired on us, the firing and demolitions continued incessantly” (gunner in a tank crew).
“Essentially, a person only need[ed] to be in a ‘problematic’ location,” a Haaretz reporter found, “in circumstances that can broadly be seen as suspicious, for him to be ‘incriminated’ and in effect sentenced to death.”(4)
In all around 1,400 Palestinians were murdered in Operation Cast Lead, with 80% of them being civilians including 350 children. Israeli casualties were risible in comparison, just 10 combatants were killed, four of whom were killed by friendly fire.(5)
Then as now, Israel wheeled out the old trope of “human shields”. Amnesty International found no evidence of that,(6) in fact, it found evidence of Israel using children as human shields.(7)
It also found that Israel used then, as it does now, white phosphorous against schools, hospitals and even the UNRWA.(8) Furthermore, 99% of the air attacks were accurate.(9) If they murdered civilians, it is because the civilians were the target.
Following the operation, the Goldstone Report was published. It surprised no-one when it found evidence of Israeli war crimes and to a lesser extent of Hamas. It is a salutary lesson for those who now place their confidence in the International Criminal Court (ICC).
Goldstone made various recommendations.
Individual states in the international community were exhorted to “start criminal investigations in national courts, using universal jurisdiction, where there is sufficient evidence of the commission of grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions of 1949.
“Where so warranted following investigation, alleged perpetrators should be arrested and prosecuted in accordance with internationally recognized standards of justice.”(10)
We know that nothing of the sort happened. In fact, the western governments paid little heed to the report. Goldstone was forced to recant on the conclusions to his report.
Netanyahu for his part announced that he wanted to amend the rules of war leading to Israeli historian Zeev Sternhell asking “What is it that Israel wants … Permission to fearlessly attack defenseless population centers with planes, tanks and artillery?”(11)
Exactly.
And here we are today, with Israel unilaterally amending the rules of war, with the green light from the EU and the USA, amongst others. They murder civilians and no one proposes doing anything.
In Operation Cast Lead, the harshest sentence emitted by an Israeli court was seven and a half months to a soldier who had stolen a credit card!(12) Minor financial crimes are of greater concern than war crimes or crimes against humanity.
After this genocide in Gaza, we can’t expect much from the ICC.
Throughout its history the ICC has opened just 31 cases, including one for genocide. All of them against African leaders. This does not mean that those leaders did not deserve to be judged for their crimes, but that the ICC is just the legal arm of imperialism.
It has never attempted to put on trial the powerful in the West and despite everything even less so Israel. This year it issued a communiqué announcing that it would issue an arrest warrant for Vladimir Putin for war crimes and did so on its own initiative.(13)
In the case of Gaza, it will do nothing of the sort. Those who place their trust in the ICC or in the Palestinian Authority are fooling themselves. This situation is the result of turning a blind eye to Israel for many years whilst it commits all sorts of crimes.
It didn’t act before and it won’t do so now. Neither will the Arab regimes do much, unless their own populations force them. They fear the Palestinians and their own people as they know that the struggle against Zionism is also a struggle against them.
The more revolutionary Palestinian groups used to say that the path to Jerusalem went through Amman and Damascus. They were right, it does pass through those capital cities and also Beirut, Riyadh, Cairo and all the others and not through the ICC.
In fact, one day the judges and prosecutors of that body should be put on trial for their complicity in Israel’s war crimes and crimes against humanity through their inaction and omission.
It is beyond the scope of this article to deal with the role of Amnesty International in its own reports on Palestine.
They are what Finkelstein refers “as far from being the exception that proved the rule, Amnesty actually constituted a variant of the rule: instead of falling silent on Israeli crimes during Protective Edge, Amnesty whitewashed them.”(14)
I will leave it to the reader to look at the book for more information on that particular betrayal. Suffice to say, we can expect little from such organisations. At best they gather data we can sometimes use.
Notes
(1) Finkelstein, N. G. (2018) Gaza: An Inquest Into Its Martyrdom. California. California University Press. pp 6 & 7
Ambassadors generally don’t represent people but rather states. They report to their home state on attitudes at different levels in the country where they are based and on friendly and not-so-friendly contacts also.
Two ambassadors have been in the news recently and they are both from the same part of the world – one is Israeli and the other is Palestinian.
Individually ambassadors may be nice and friendly or, like the Israeli one, arrogant and aggressive but all that is really not the main thing to remember about them, which is that they represent the state that sent them. What you do or say to them, you do or say to their state.
The Israeli Dana Erlich is in the news because a number of political parties have tabled motions in the Irish Parliament for her expulsion.1 She is representing the Israeli State, a racist, Zionist colonial state which is at present carrying out a genocidal bombardment on the Palestinian people.
Dana Erlich, Israeli Ambassador to the Irish state (Photo sourced: Internet)
Wahba Abdalmajid is the Palestinian Ambassador in Ireland and, in the news mostly because she was warmly received at the recent Ard-Fheis (annual congress) of the Sinn Féin political party. A look at her “Embassy’s” website gives little indication of a people struggling for freedom.2
WHOM DOES THE PALESTINIAN AMBASSADOR REPRESENT?
Despite there existing formally a Palestinian state, in reality its people have been actively prevented from creating one. Wahba Abdalmajid’s real employer may be said to be the Palestinian Authority which functions somewhat like a state – but under the control of the Israelis.
In a recent interview, Norman Finkelstein commented that Israel had a great many spies in Gaza, most of them former employees of the Palestine National Authority, i.e the administration of which Al Fatah lost control when beaten in the 2006 legislative elections by Hamas.3
In the wave of imperialist pacification processes (incorrectly called “peace processes”4) that swept through anti-imperialist conflicts around the world, the Palestinian variant in 1993 seems to have been the first, which then spread like a virus to South Africa, Ireland, the Basque Country5 …
In the Oslo Accords of 1983, the leadership of the PLO recognised the ‘legitimacy’ of the Zionist colonial state of Israel and agreed to the idea of a Palestinian state on a part of Palestine, with the worst land and least water, forever to be under the guns of Israel.
No arrangement was made for the descendants of the 700,000 Palestinians expelled by Israel when the Zionist State was created in 1948, forbidden by Israel to return.
The attraction for the PLO’s leadership was getting to run their own administration and with that went a spiraling of the already-existing corruption and nepotism. And accompanying that, repression of dissent through the use of their ‘security force’ where they were in control.
Financial aid comes from the European Union and USA to the PNA (to the total of US$1 billion in 2005) and, despite 2006 elections won by Hamas, the funds are paid to the West Bank HQ, i.e to Mahmoud Abbas’ offices.
Mahmoud Abbas, imperialist and zionist stooge, glued to the presidential seat of the Palestinian National Authority. (Photo sourced: Internet)
The dissatisfaction of Palestinian youth and of much of society with Al Fatah and their agreement to the Oslo Accords broke out into the Second Intifada 2000-2005 and since then Palestinian resistance to Israeli occupation has been led by other organisations.
At a Tokyo meeting of foreign affairs ministers,6 USA’s envoy Blinken indicated that after Israel’s hoped-for defeat of Hamas (and cowing of Palestinians) they would favour the Palestine Authority administering Gaza again, to which PNA President Mahmoud Abbas indicated agreement.
Meanwhile, elections have not been held for the PNA since 2008, despite promises a couple of years ago. The reason is obvious: Al Fatah would again lose. Nevertheless, the western imperialist bloc recognises the PA as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people!
The same bloc and the Irish State also supports the “2-state solution” which was no solution even when being mooted back in the 1970s and is visibly risible now7; furthermore surveys show that most Palestinians do not want that option.8
So who does represent the Palestinian people? Difficult to see how that question can be answered at the moment. There are a number of resistance organisations that can legitimately claim to represent sections of the Palestinian people while the PA can only represent collusion and repression.
End.
FOOTNOTES
1Unsuccessfully, so far, with the Government and its allies in opposition.
2And the most recent entry in the Embassy’s news section is dated 14 August of this year!
3That was the last election held for the PA, which remains under the control of Al Fatah, which did not accept the election results. In Gaza in 2007, Hamas had a short fierce conflict with Al Fatah and took the administration to which they had been elected but refrained from doing so in the West Bank.
4Inaccurate because they do not address the central issues and therefore do not at all bring peace.
5Also Turkish Kurdistan, Colombia … The only one where the people gained anything was South Africa, which got universal suffrage but under a neo-colonial corrupt and repressive regime whose police in 2012 murdered two score striking miners.
7Also supported by Sinn Féin in Ireland and by the Chinese Government.
8Gallup poll found “24% of Palestinians support a two-state solution, down from 59% in 2012.” Also, a Pew Research poll showed only 35% of Israelis think “a way can be found for Israel and an independent Palestinian state to coexist peacefully.”
A man stabs three children and a teacher in Dublin, after which certain elements riot, burn public transport and Garda vehicles and threaten migrants. What is the connection between these events?
The terrible stabbing was carried out and the assumed assailant is under arrest, facing charges and if convicted will certainly lose his freedom. The alleged assailant, it is claimed, was a foreign national1, he was himself injured and is in hospital under arrest.
Burning Dublin Bus and car on O’Connell Bridge, Dublin City centre Thursday night (Photo cred: Brian Lawless/ PA)
Yes, but what’s the connection between all that and street riot, burning public transport and police vehicles and threats to migrants?
None whatsoever, to the rational mind. But in far-Right minds and those of their fascist instigators, one migrant assailant condemns all migrants.
Very late mobilisation of the Garda Public Order Unit (Photo sourced: RTÉ)
How is that logical? If an Irish person carried out an attack in Britain, should all Irish people in Britain be judged culpable and attacked?
SCATTER-GUN BLAMING
In fact that’s exactly what happened many times, perhaps most memorably to the Birmingham Six, Maguire Seven, Guildford Four and Judith Ward. Of course, the real reason behind that was the State terrorising of the Irish community, who were protesting British repression in Ireland.
And, as it happens, there is hidden fascist reasoning here too, because for some time now, fascists and other far-Rightists have been blaming migrants and refugees for the crisis of homelessness in this neo-liberal and neo-colonial Irish state.
Migrants and other minorities, insecure, without strong support networks, often unorganised, are vulnerable and among the first and easiest targets of fascist movements in most parts of the world, dividing the working people and obscuring their real enemies.
In Britain in the 1800s the targets were the Irish; in Germany, Britain, Ireland and other places in the 1930s, those to demonise and attack were Jews and socialists2; in Britain during the latter half of the last century the Irish again but also Afro-Caribbeans, S. Asians, Africans and Muslims.
Far-Right rioters attacking late-arrived Garda Public Order Unit (Photo sourced: Internet)
EXCUSE
And it turns out, interestingly, that two out of three of the men who intervened to save the children were also migrants.
But riots and burning buses? A catharsis of the sub-working class of the inner city, alienated and disregarded for generations, devastated by substance addiction, most recently mobilised by fascists against Covid restrictions and, yes, against refugees and migrants then too.
Out of such material were the Brownshirt stormtroopers formed in 1930s Germany; out of such material too did former Garda Commissioner O’Duffy form his fascist Blueshirt movement that later helped form the Fine Gael party.
The big capitalist ruling classes use fascists to split the working class and suppress its resistance organisations and capability, so that the rate of exploitation can be increased and profit margins be defended or increased. The upper echelons of fascism are duly rewarded with government posts.
In the organising for fascist power, elements among the police and army are often in sympathy with the fascists or actually recruited by them. Or fascists may simply be tolerated, or painted as merely the other side of the threat to society, i.e the Left.
Wounded national pride was a factor in making Germans amenable to the Nazi message. The Irish people certainly have reason for wounded national feeling but these far-Right elements, for all their Tricolour-waving, by and large have no history of activity in the Irish Republican movement.
They may feel that they have lost something but in fact they never had it. Such elements also turn to opportunist looting and in the city centre shops selling shoes, expensive bicycles, alcohol and clothes were broken into and looted.
The disadvantaged and disinherited are ironically mobilised — by the very authors of their woes — against the working people, the only social sector that can change the system to one of equality and a decent living for all. They are deserving of pity certainly but dangerous for all that.
Another view of the burning Dublin Bus on O’Connell Bridge with O’Connell Monument to the left (with its British bullet-holes from 1916). (Photo sourced: Extra.ie)
THEY HAVE BEEN ENCOURAGED
And during the Pandemic, the far-Right and fascists have been encouraged to a false feeling of strength, treated extremely tolerantly by the Gardaí, even as the far-Right continually breached laws, attacked anti-fascists and threatened LGBT people and migrants.
There’s a few faces from a little further back missing but thanks to LAF for this, including Screaming Dee Wall, Gemma O’Doherty, Niall McConnell …
Dublin City Centre was much quieter than normal on Saturday, with less stalls than usual open in Moore Street and less shoppers. Thirty far-Right types gathered near the Spire in the City Centre and menaced a group with a banner reading “Grandfathers Against Racism”.
It was remarked that until the arrival of the Public Order Unit, the Gardaí allowed the mobs to collect and gather strength, even setting a patrol car alight. This has led to some calls for the resignation of the Minister for Justice Helen McEntee and the Garda Commissioner, Drew Harris.
Among those calling for their resignations was Mary Lou McDonald, leader of Sinn Féin, the party with most elected TDs (MPs) in Leinster House3, the parliament of the Irish State, who commented that the riot could easily have been predicted, given previous far-Right behaviour.
Harris, of course, is accustomed to “softly softly” managing the largest collection of fascists and far-Right thugs in Ireland, i.e the ‘Ulster’ (sic) or Orange Loyalists. After all, his previous job was Assistant Commissioner of the colonial police force, the Police Service of Northern Ireland.4
But the monster hates his facilitators too and breaks out against them when he can find no easier targets upon which to vent his rage. And in all probability, those who facilitated the monster in the recent past will now repress it to an extent.
But in the course of that, repressing all progressive resistance movements too. Garda violence and the water-cannon borrowed from the colonial police force will certainly be inflicted far more upon progressive movements than on the far-Right.
The monster hates his facilitator and his creator but ends up serving their purpose even as they use him without the slightest regard for him as a living, hurting being.
And the working class, even as they know this, must organise to defend itself against that monster while at the same time reaching beyond it, to pull down the monster’s creator once and for all.
End.
FOOTNOTES
1It is well known that fascists and far-Right agitators lie and ascribe foreign status to the perpetrators of crimes when they are of indigenous background, apart from tarring all migrants with the brush of an individual’s crime. And when the attack is by an indigenous person upon a migrant, of course the fascists remain silent.
2In Nazi Germany, other targeted and murdered minorities included Roma (‘Gypsies’), the mentally ill and disabled.
4A colonial armed gendarmerie, formerly the sectarian Royal Ulster Constabulary and, prior to 1922, the Royal Irish Constabulary. Their soft approach on Loyalist violence and disorder was and is in direct contradiction to their repression of even non-violent activities of Irish Republicans.
Many thousands wound their way in Palestine solidarity on Saturday through the streets of Dublin City centre, crossing from north to south of the river, filling the streets with solidarity slogans that have now become very familiar.
Section of the march in O’Connell Street crossing the river, the rest behind not having left Garden of Remembrance/ Hugh Lane Gallery area. (Photo: D.Breatnach)
The national march called by the Ireland Palestine Solidarity campaign took nearly an hour to pass through Dublin’s O’Connell Street, Palestinian colours mixing with those of political party or group and some education trade union flags and banners – and the green and gold Starry Plough.1
And still they are coming (Photo: D.Breatnach)Graffiti on the Spire in O’Connell Street (Photo: D.Breatnach)
The weather was a welcome change from the heavy rain of the night before and, in contrast to recent cold days, was mild and autumnal. The trees by roadside and in parks, except for the berry-laden hollies, were losing their leaves but those remaining shone russet and gold.
Those political parties whose TDs2 voted for sanctions against Israel on Wednesday3 were present: Social Democrats, that had sought the expulsion of the Israeli Embassy and Sinn Féin, who wanted the Government to refer the Israeli Government to the International Criminal Court.4
That included also the People Before Profit/ Solidarity, which for weeks had been calling for the Ambassador’s expulsion and the Labour Party.
Left-wing, feminist and animal liberation groups participated, along with local Palestine solidarity groups. In a change from recent marches, Irish Republican groups could be observed participating but were very few.5
(Photo: D.Breatnach)
An Ghaeilge, the Irish language, had a presence on the march in a small number of placards and a big banner proclaiming Saoirse don Phalaistín,6 the latter also shouted as a call-and-answer slogan, to merge with the now-familiar ones of Palestine solidarity, along with denunciation of genocide.
Other slogans included: 1, 2, 3, 4 – Occupation no more! 5, 6, 7, 8 – Israel is a terrorist7 state! Netanyahu, you can’t hide – We can see your genocide! There is only one solution – Intifada revolution!In our thousands and our millions8 – We are all Palestinians!
(Photo: D.Breatnach)
The “Ceasefire Now!” demand could be seen on some placards and heard on occasion but not as much as before. This slogan has come under some criticism as theoretically binding the Palestinians to cease resistance and leaving the Israeli army in possession wherever they are.
Despite the necessary problems caused to vehicular traffic, a horn blowing from a passing car or van called out often in solidarity to a cheer from the marchers in reply. In contrast to the early decades of the Irish state, the population has become overwhelmingly pro-Palestinian.
Some appropriate decoration of the Irish Dept. of Foreign Affairs (Photo: D.Breatnach)
A LONG MARCH
The route of the march followed the same as the previous Saturday’s but instead of stopping at the Dept. of Foreign Affairs, continued on eastwards and then into Merrion Square south where the rally was to be held but significant numbers had left without waiting for the speeches.
Eastward of there, many Garda vehicles could be seen in Merrion Street lower, probablyin case people decided to bring to the Fine Gael party HQ their disgust at State collusion with Zionist genocide. Of course nowadays, Fianna Fáil and the Green Party HQs might feel the need for the same protection.
(Photo: D.Breatnach)
As people turned towards various destinations in the City Centre, to pick up their vehicles or to connect with public transport, most entered to proceed through the Merrion Square Park and, finding gates locked on to Merrion Square West road, headed for the next exit – but in vain.
All gates were locked until one, several hundred metres along Merrion Square North, finally allowed weary marchers to exit the park and turn west again towards the city centre. There was much much muttering about this deliberate inconveniencing of people in a public park.
Passing the corner of Merrion Square West, with the former home of the Wilde family on the right, a large Garda prisoner transport was parked at the corner with other police vehicles around and some Public Order Unit police standing around.
(Photo: D.Breatnach)
This march had been the 5thweekend one in Dublin since the Israeli offensive, with a rally in the middle of each week also. And still the Israeli death-toll rises not just daily but by the hour. And still neither the UN Security Council nor EU will call for an end to the bombing.
And still the Israeli Embassy sits in Dublin with its staff free to spy and report on the population of the Irish State, even to insult the national feeling of solidarity and the President of the State for his comparatively mild demands thatinternational lawstatutes be followed.
Indeed, those same rules, often violated by the western superpowers, lie now exposed in shreds and tatters in Palestine. If there ever was reason to believe in imperialist states ruling the world in common humanity, that belief too lies in tatters that cannot be stitched together again.
End.
Front of march in O’Connell Street (Photo: D.Breatnach)Some trade union banners on the march (Photo: D.Breatnach)(Photo: D.Breatnach)
FOOTNOTES
1 The flag of the Irish Citizen Army, the first workers’ army in the world, formed to defend the workers from the attacks of the Dublin Metropolitan Police during the 1913 Lockout, who later fought in the 1916 Rising too.
2Teachta Dála, Irish State equivalent to MPs (plural Teachtaí Dála).
3 The motions in Leinster House (seat of the Irish parliament) were defeated through the Coalition Government’s TDs voting for an amendment that pulled all the teeth from the original motions.
4 The SF party flags were absent from earlier demonstrations after their leadership stated they would not be calling for the expulsion of the Israeli Ambassador but once the leadership, no doubt facing a revolt of their members changed that position, they were out in force, some of them even stewarding the march. One wonders whether those members understand that the ICC has in a decade only tried 30 cases and convicted onlyten, not one a state or an individual close allied with the Western powers.
5 Undoubtedly, more Irish Republicans participated as individuals or as members of local solidarity groups.
Richard O’ Rawe’s Stakeknife’s Dirty War is a timely book, coming as it does after the death, or supposed death of Stakeknife in England and what looks like a thwarting of the intent and findings of Boutcher’s Kenova Inquiry into the affair.
It is now accepted by all that IRA Volunteer Scappaticci was also the British agent known as Stakeknife.
O’Rawe had access to IRA volunteers and former intelligence operatives and weaves together aspects of Scappaticci’s life and role into a narrative that is convincing and despite the nature of the subject matter, torture, murder and betrayal it is an easy read.
O’Rawe also introduces us to Scappaticci the person. The person however, isn’t any more likeable than the British agent, torturer and murderer. In fact, it would seem they are flip sides of the same coin. Scappaticci was an industrious character, always on the make, running private tax scams.
He was used to money long before he became a paid British agent. His fortune earned from murders on behalf of the British and the IRA, though the IRA weren’t giving him anything like the sum the British did, is estimated to be in the region of a million pounds in pay-outs.
He also had various properties. Scappaticci was also a lowlife thug long before the British and the IRA gave him carte blanche to murder and torture his way through republican ranks. Some of things he did, had he not been in the IRA would have led to him being kneecapped by the IRA.
A man called Collins made the mistake of publicly calling the area in Twinbrook in which Scappaticci lived ‘Provie Corner’. Scappaticci did not like that and decided that Collins had to pay for his transgression.
He knocked on Collins’ door and, when it was answered, the informer battered the older man multiple times over the head with a sock containing a brick. Only when Collins collapsed did Scappaticci walk away.
This is the type of low life thuggish behaviour that the IRA was willing to tolerate and perhaps even encourage from people like Scappaticci. In a genuinely political movement, a thug like Scappaticci would have been out on his ear. But not in the IRA nor in Sinn Féin.
He was, to paraphrase the Yanks when talking about the Nicaraguan dictator Somoza, “he may be a son of a bitch, but he is our son of a bitch”, though in this case it would seem that not only was he theirs he had just the qualities that both the IRA and the British valued, ruthless thuggish qualities.
Scappaticci the person and agent are intimately related it would seem though O’Rawe doesn’t explicitly say so. He does however, give us ample material with which to draw that conclusion.
One of the issues never dealt with it in the press and not really fully covered here is what type of organisation recruits, tolerates and promotes such people. He was a reprobate who should never have graced the ranks of the IRA. That he did so, is down to Adams and co.
That is also clear from the book. It is not an aspersion on Adams or on McGuinness either to question their role.
Republican funeral, Scappaticci on left photo, Adams on right (Photo cred: Pacemakers)
The latter of the two comes in for some questioning in the book regarding his role and O’Rawe goes into some detail and also explains in the epilogue that before beginning his research he was unaware of the level of unease amongst republicans about McGuinness’ trustworthiness.
Though he does point out earlier that if McGuinness was a tout, why was it necessary for the British to have a spy such as Willie Carlin get close to him. The same could also be said of Adams.
The British had an agent, Denis Donaldson, whispering sweet nothings in Adam’s ear over many years, shaping Adam’s view of the world and reporting back to the British how successful he had been in his endeavours.
The Peace Process, in that regard, was partially the result of what ideas the British planted in Adam’s and McGuinness’ minds through their various agents. However, it does seem unlikely either of them were touts in the classical sense of the word.
They didn’t need to be, they were at a different level. They were both on the same side as Scappaticci in winding down the war, they just had different methods of going about it.
It is possible that at some stage they had dealings with the British security services in pursuit of common aims. O’ Rawe is not the first to question McGuinness either.
Ed Moloney has put forward the idea that the reprehensible proxy bombs that provoked so much revulsion were signed off on, precisely because they would strengthen the hands of those who sought to wind up the war.
O’Rawe gives many examples of what Scappaticci and the other British agents in the Internal Security Unit did. It wasn’t limited to executing alleged informers or those the British thought should be removed for various reasons under the guise of them being informers.
They were also in a position to give information on operations which led to the British either arresting or killing the Volunteers involved. The book opens with an account of one such operation, where fortunately they were able to pull back from it without the planned British ambush going ahead.
There were of course other incidents, one of them being Loughall where the British ambushed an entire unit of the IRA. Scappaticci and his ilk did great harm to the IRA, but they were not the reason the IRA lost the war, and O’Rawe doesn’t argue it was either.
However, others have made this point. But the IRA was never going to win the war, they weren’t going to outgun the Brits ever.
Another part of the problem of course, is related to Scappaticci. A movement so highly infiltrated would always have problems, but it is telling of the political weakness of the IRA and Sinn Féin that a thug like Scappaticci could rise through the ranks and remain at the top for so long.
That says more about their weaknesses, than anything else.
That Denis Donaldson, a British agent was the chief advisor to the IRA and Sinn Féin on strategy, for so long, shaping policy, whilst Scappaticci weeded out of the ranks anyone who would oppose it, says more about the weakness of republican politics than whether operations went ahead or not.
O’Rawe, however, is more interested in what happened and who bears responsibility for it.
He is quite clear that the IRA are to blame and is equally clear that those in the intelligence services who allowed Scappaticci and other British agents in the ISU to murder their way through republican ranks are also to blame.
He is not wrong in that, Danny Morrison described Scappaticci as Number 10’s murderer(1) and that he was, he was also the IRA and Sinn Féin’s murderer.
Adam’s infamously justified in a blasé fashion the IRA murder of alleged informer Charles McIlmurray in 1987 when he said that “like anyone else living in West Belfast [he] knows the consequence for informing is death.”(2)
Neither the British, the IRA, Sinn Féin and Gerry Adams in particular, get to wash their hands of the affair.
This book is an important contribution to uncovering the truth of Troubles, one which will neither please Sinn Féin nor the British and Irish governments written from the perspective of a former IRA volunteer.
It deserves to be read and kept on the book shelf as the issue is not going away any time soon.
People who have lived for generations in the Dublin dockyards have been getting the feeling for some time that the city planners don’t want them there and that as in Ewan McColl’s song they’d “better get born somewhere else” and “go, move, shift!”1
Recently I met with a small group of people, men and women from the Dublin docklands area south of the Liffey2 as they discussed their difficulties and what they might do about them. They wanted an article written on the issues for circulation among their communities.
Artist’s impression of the “Two Fingers” tower blocks planned by property speculator Johnny Ronan amidst existing “glass cages”. The tower blocks were ultimately denied planning permission but many others got the go-ahead. (Image sourced: Internet)
They observe their areas being taken over by high-tech and service industries, accommodation blocks built for those who can work for the high-tech corporations and pay the high rents but their own class largely employable only in low-earning service work for the corporations.
They see in this a process being facilitated by the State, the municipal authority, the banks and of generally little concern to the political class, who either benefit from the process direct or indirectly or at best, view it as regrettable but inevitable.
Wallace’s coal depot, Ringsend Road, Great Canal Basin circa 1950s perhaps. Imported coal was unloaded mechanically or by physical labour and stored here to be delivered to smaller depots and large establishments in lorry loads, or to houses and more modest commercial establishments by physical labour (coal-heavers) working from horse and cart or, later, lorries. (Photo: Toírdhealach Ó Braoin)
One only has to consult living memory or to compare photographs of some scenes in the past with “the new glass cages that spring up along the quay”3 in the same locations today to see that they are not imagining things or unduly exaggerating them.
Contemporary photo: This is the only traditional pub left and one of the few traditional-type buildings on the South Dublin Docks once Butt Bridge is passed. (Source photo: Dublin Dock Workers Preservation Society)
FURTHER BACK
Previously the docklands both sides of the river were, for the most part working class areas. The employment available for men was labouring on the docks, unloading and loading ships and delivering or distributing those loads by horse and cart.
There were also small industries and warehouses and even small animal enclosures or yards, including even a couple of tiny dairies.
The major work for women was in the home, raising large families but with some outside work available in food processing such as in bakeries, factories such as Boland’s Mill, clothes-making, mending and laundry. Second-hand clothes were sold too and fresh farm food, fish and shellfish.
Another coal importing company with an unloading and storage space on the south Dublin quays, circa 1950s. (Source photo: Dublin Dock Workers Preservation Society)
It was in these areas that Jim Larkin and James Connolly mostly made their mark in the first decade of the last century, forming the largely unorganised ‘unskilled’4 workers into the Irish Transport & General Workers’ Union, winning wage rises and improvements in working conditions.
It was surely no accident that the ITGWU’s headquarters, the original “Liberty Hall”, was located in dockland, just off Eden Quay in Beresford Place and across the road from the Custom House.
When the union began to impinge on William Martin Murphy’s commercial empire in 1913, Murphy began to build a union of employers determined to break the workers’ union.
The working class of Dublin, whether ITGWU members or not, … Stood by Larkin and told the Boss man We’d fight or die but we would not shirk.”
For eight months we fought And eight months we starved – We stood by Larkin through thick and thin; But foodless homes and the cry of children, They broke our hearts and we could not win.”5
In the 1913 Lockout the employers had the main mass media on their side: the anglophile Irish Times, the nationalist Irish Independent and Freemans Journal. The church hierarchies, Catholic and Protestant, stood with the employers; the Legion of Mary refused help to strikers’ dependents.
Mass meeting of workers and children (some of the children also workers, e.g the newsboys) on a Dublin quayside during the 1913 Lockout. “Murphy” refers to William Martin Murphy, prominent capitalist, owner of the Dublin Tram Company, Irish Independent and the Imperial Hotel in the Clery’s building. (Photo sourced: Internet)
The magistrates fined and jailed strikers and supporters, while the Dublin Metropolitan Police clubbed them. After two workers were fatally injured by police batons on Eden Quay,6 the ITGWU formed the Irish Citizen Army, the first army in the world of workers for the working class.
People with few economic and financial resources find it difficult to sustain long struggles and eight months would be a very long industrial struggle even today.
In the Dublin of 1916 and with the living conditions of the working class of the time, and mostly with previously unorganised workers, it was a heroic effort.
The ITGWU was temporarily defeated – Connolly called it “a draw” – but the working class remained. Those that were not sucked into the butchery of WWI continued living in the area and tried to find work where they could.
Despite that defeat and emigration or British Army WWI recruitment, the Irish Citizen Army was able to field 120 disciplined fighters, male and female, in the 1916 Rising and fought in a number of engagements. By 1919 the union’s recruitment surpassed that of 1913.
Over years the docks area saw slow decline as shipping traffic decreased. Emigration soared and, despite large families, the Irish population remained stable7. The working class population of Dublin city centre’s tenements was cleared and moved to large housing schemes on the city’s outskirts.
Men, women and children in a march of the Irish Seamen & Port Workers’ Union (now amalgamated into others) along south Liffey dockland some time before 1955. Note the medals on elderly man front left, possibly IRA medals from the the 1916 Rising and/ or War of Independence. (Source photo: Dublin Dock Workers Preservation Society).Another view including the flute and drum band, Starry Plough Flag (the Tricolour is being carried on the far right of photo) and trade union standard. (Source photo: Dublin Dock Workers Preservation Society).
Those who remained received some municipal housing in pockets, often neglected by the municipality, their children educated but very rarely to university8 level, their traditional work largely disappearing. And a significant minority turning from lack of hope to substance misuse.9
Houses in danger of collapse after an already collapse, Fenian Street, south Liffey dockland, 1963 (Photo source: Display at Andrew’s Court commemorative event of 1963 building collapse that killed two girls).
SOLUTIONS
Inclusion was a key word brought to the discussion I was invited to hear, with a number saying that “social inclusion” had been listed among objectives of a number of plans for the area but which failed to be achieved despite its listing.
The character of the area is of course changing with a certain amount of gentrification and some people even feeling they were looked at as though not welcome in the park they had played in as children and teenagers, or not welcome in local pubs under new management or new cafes.
Children balancing on Guinness aluminium kegs beside docked ship on south Dublin quay with ships docked on the north quays also, circa 1950s. (Source photo: Dublin Dock Workers Preservation Society)
The kind of education working class people receive was discussed as an important factor with the mention of STEM, an educational program to prepare primary and secondary students for college, graduate study and careers in the fields of science, technology, engineering and mathematics.
Without that kind of preparation and qualifications, the group felt that children from their area had no chance of employment with the corporations now basing themselves in the docklands.
One of the group stated there is an annual special STEM seminar run at the RDS; however none of the others had heard of the seminar.
Another described a “Speed-date-type” careers advice session attended once, where students could spend a short time at one career table and move on to another. Another talked about career-planning advice for parents with which to to help their children.
Circa 1950s, family group, Gasometer in background [note also the old gas street lamppost behind man on the right]. (Source photo: Dublin Dock Workers Preservation Society)
The feeling of a lack of corporate responsibility for the people of the area in which the corporations have set up was clear.
The Ballybofey urban regeneration project was mentioned as a possible model along with Our Town urban centre projects.
If education is the key for integrating the local working class into most of the employment available locally, I wondered aloud, how would that work without housing? One of the group has already had to move out of the area for an affordable home and is intending to move further out still.
Already this means use of private transport and hours added to the working week, increasing the further out is the next home. Another said a survey found that the employment of 88% of the community was outside the area, while only 12% was local (with the carbon footprint involved).
Two-storey housing in good condition on South Lotts in south Liffey docklands – photo shows July commemoration of socialist revolutionary James Connolly and his family living there 1910-1911 (Photo: D.Breatnach)
COMMENT
My own feeling is that the first requirement is that homes need to be available for working class people in their area and that, I also feel, has to entail a local construction program of affordable public housing, ideally by a State or municipal building company.
But if people are not to have to travel outside their areas to work, as 88% are doing currently (according to the aforementioned survey figures), then they must have local employment and in turn that, in the main means with the hi-tech corporations, for which they need to be trained.
The group was very clear and in agreement on this point, whether the training is to be delivered by the corporations, by the State or by a mixture of the two.
When area developments or redevelopments are being undertaken, it is essential that the local communities are part of the process; otherwise tree-planting, city squares and delicatessen-cafes become not so much an addition to the people’s lives, as markers for their class’ replacement.
Whether in the end I agree with the way the group sees the solutions or don’t is not I feel the most important thing, which IS that they are wanting to organise and to take their future into their own hands. It is in that act alone that there can be hope for the future.
End.
FOOTNOTES
1A song about the persecution of the nomadic people, e.g Romany Gypsies and Travellers.
2Basically from the Pearse Street and Ringsend areas.
3Line from Dublin In the Rare Aul’ Times song by Pete St.John.
4A term often applied but rarely understood – labourers quickly become skilled in their work or they lose employment or become injured or killed at work. What the term really means is “manual worker who does not have a recognised qualification in at least one manual trade”. I have worked at both ends of that spectrum.
5 The Larkin Ballad by Donagh Mac Donagh, son of executed 1916 commander Tomás Mac Donagh, executed after the surrender of the 1916 Rising by British firing squad.
630th August, the first month of the dispute by DMP baton-charge on mass meeting around Liberty Hall. The following day (Bloody Sunday 1913, wrongly accounting for the two fatalities in many on-line sources), the DMP rioted again in O’Connell Street but most of the ITGWU had avoided it by rallying at their Fairview premises.
7The Irish population – though habitually of large families – remained largely stable for roughly a century after the Great Hunger’s death toll and mass emigration had reduced the island’s population by three million – until the upswing of the ‘Celtic Tiger’ economy began to increase it through immigration and reduction in emigration.
8Indeed, until 1966 most working class children left school at fourteen years of age, since secondary-level schooling was only ‘free’ (not for books, equipment, uniforms) up to that age.
9Middle and ruling class people misuse substances too – indeed some drugs, such as cocaine are much more used by “professional” classes – but they have living conditions varying from comfortable to luxurious and a range of choices for themselves and their children – not to mention expensive rescue services when they fall.
As I locked my bike up in Dublin City centre today, about to take a longish bus journey, two worlds connected around me.
Seeing a young woman collecting rubbish from the pavement to put in a litter bin, I became aware that she was the user of a nearby tent. I have to admit I was impressed with the focus on clearing of rubbish and noted an older van driver looking too.
Taking out my wallet I gave her some money with a brief word of encouragement and thought I heard the van driver giving out to me for doing so. Ignoring him, I got ready to cross the street to the bus stop. “Hey!” he shouted at me.
I turned back to him, ready for an argument.
“Did you just give that girl some money?” he asked.
“Yes,” I replied, (restraining myself from adding “and what of it?”). I was ready to meet aggression if it was coming but didn’t feel the need to start it.
He stretched out his hand to me, holding out a ten-euro note: “You dropped this.”
“Oh, thanks,” sez I, accepting the note, “I thought you were going to tell me off.”
He looked taken aback. “Not at all, sure I sometimes give her some money too.”
We shook hands and I crossed the road, reflecting that mine and the van driver’s world had briefly and in a small way intersected with the young woman’s world.
Outside, in yet another world, a state is carrying out genocide against a people in full view of the World, not just with western states’ compliance, as occurred with the genocide against the Jews in the 1930s and ‘40s, but this time with the actual encouragement and active collusion of the western states.
Dublin city centre saw the second rally in one week in solidarity with Palestine on Wednesday evening. Unlike Monday’s outside Leinster House, this one was on the central pedestrian reservation on Dublin’s main O’Connell Street.
Thursday’s was organised by the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign whereas Monday’s, outside the home of the Irish State’s parliament, had been organised by the Irish Anti-War Movement (more or less really the People Before Profit party).1
(Photo: D.Breatnach)
After Monday’s rally, a substantial number had spontaneously marched to the Israeli Embassy where an Anti-Imperialist Action supporter had painted their door in red to symbolise blood before Gardaí knocked him to the ground and kept him lying handcuffed before arresting him.
The crowd had objected to this treatment whereupon the Garda attacked and arrested more demonstrators. The AIA supporter was later charged with “criminal damage” which is ironic considering the criminal and murderous damage by Zionist bombs and missiles on Gaza.
A rather blurry view of section of the rally from the west side. (Photo: D.Breatnach)
BOMBING GAZA
For the sixth consecutive day Israeli air strikes are pounding the Gaza Strip, Israel on Thursday boasting it has dropped 6,000 bombs weighing 4,000 tonnes on Gaza during the period, according to Palestinian sources killing more than 1,400 people and destroying huge amounts of housing.
At least 140 of those Palestinians killed are children.
There’s nowhere safe in Gaza (Photo cred: Edel Hana/ AP)
This is the fifth siege and bombing of Gaza by Israel in the last 15years, each time destroying what the Palestinians rebuild or patch and repair, such as their sewage treatment plant. Palestinian casualties overall during the period have been 6,407 Palestinians as against 308 Israelis.2
One siege lasted 51 days! Factories and apartment blocks, flower and vegetable production glasshouses and sewage treatment plants have all been destroyed and the coastal waters are polluted, while the Israeli Navy attacks fishing boats that dare go further out to sea.
Gaza was already a severely-deprived area occupied by 2.2 millions with 59% below the poverty level, 46% unemployment but youth unemployment at 63%. Since Hamas won the elections the Israeli state permits no-one to leave or enter Gaza except by special arrangement.
One of the most advanced military states in the world is attacking a people that has no navy, no airforce, no anti-aircraft defences and no standing army. The Zionists say they will soon send in a ground attack also, tanks grinding over the rubble to kill and maim more Palestinians.
Imagine you went into Sousi Mosque to pray for your family and neighbours to be kept safe, or just because the Israelis wouldn’t bomb it, would they? This is what’s left of it now. (Photo cred: Mahmoud Hams/ AFP)
Meanwhile the Zionist state is permitting no water, electricity, fuel, food, medicine, building materials or equipment to enter Gaza through the gate they control and, shamefully, the Egyptian regime in step with the Zionists is doing the same at the other gate, which the Arab state controls.
War crimes? We hear a lot about them in the war in Ukraine, right? The Israeli state is committing them daily now and has been doing so yearly, often monthly since 1948. But the USA backs Israel and so the western states do so too, supporting the war criminals and complicit in their crimes.
The IPSC rally was advertised for 5.30pm but people had begun to gather a half hour earlier, with more continuing to arrive until after 6pm. From physical appearance it seemed that people from the Middle East, presumably Palestinian, at least equalled those Irish present.
Rally supporters very tightly packed and before Gardaí move patrol cars in keeping them hemmed in (Photo: D.Breatnach)Gardaí beginning to move patrol cars in to keep rally packed in the central reservation (Palestine supporters also visible to left of photo, i.e on eastern pavement. (Photo: D.Breatnach)Gardaí place patrol car to keep the Palestine supporters (or this particular section?) off the road. (Photo: D.Breatnach)
The chanting of solidarity slogans was almost continuous, with short breaks for speakers, most of whom were introduced as Palestinians. These were the usual chants but often led in non-Irish as well as native accents: From the river to the sea – Palestine will be free!
Also: In our hundreds, in our millions – we are all Palestinians! One, two, three, four – occupation no more! Five, six, seven, eight – Israel is a terrorist state! But there were also new ones from a section: Long live the Resistance! And: Only one solution – intifada revolution!
(Photo: D.Breatnach)
That was taken up by many whereas Saoirse don Phailistín! And: You’ve got tanks, we’ve got hang-gliders – glory to the freedom fighters! were chanted by a small section. Four Palestinians were briefly heard trying without success to get the Alah’ akbar!3 chant going.
From Irish backgrounds, Senator Frances Black, Richard Boyd Barret TD, Chris Andrews TD and Cnlr. Daithí Doolan spoke. Senator Black sponsored the Occupied Territories Bill4 which was approved by all sides of the Oireachtas but held back by the Government from becoming law.
Richard Boyd Barret of PBP spoke with passion as he usually does and was applauded. Some of his observations, though more liberal than socialist, unequivocally however put the blame on the Israeli state and castigated also the western states’ support of the Zionists.
(Photo: D.Breatnach)
Many of the Palestinian speakers were very complimentary to the Irish people present at the rally but also to the Irish population overall for their generally supportive attitude towards the Palestinians and their struggle.
Andrews and Doolan are both prominent members of the Sinn Féin party and, as a result of their President’s recent condemnation of Hamas (a change in position for the party), came in for some heckling.
They may be genuinely supportive of the Palestinian resistance as individuals but if they tolerate their party’s leader lining up with the Zionists and imperialists in condemnation of the resistance of the oppressed, they must accept the criticism thrown at them.
(Photo: D.Breatnach)
THEY SAID
The leaders of Sinn Féin and of the DUP both separately and recently claimed that the pacification negotiations in Ireland can be used to assist in resolving the conflict in Palestine.5
Really? It was precisely following a similar road that led to the corruption and fall from position of Palestinian leadership of Al Fatah and Yasser Arafat, eruption of the Second Intifada and the generally secular-voting Palestinians electing Muslim fundamentalist Hamas in 2007.
(Photo: D.Breatnach)
On Thursday the Prime Minister of the Irish State said that Israel was inflicting collective punishment on Gaza by cutting off water and electricity but no mention of the bombing, which he seemed to endorse.
Collective punishment is a war crime in international law so what is Varadkar saying the Irish Government will do? Demand action by the EU and UN? Expel the Israeli Ambassador? Demand sanctions against Israel? No – request a humanitarian corridor for food and medicine.
Photo taken from west side, with LUAS tram rails showing and northward bus stopped at traffic lights. (Photo: D.Breatnach)
At the rally there was generally little denunciation of the Irish Government.
From Palestinians possibly because they felt they were guests in the country but one would have expected much harder criticism by the native speakers of the Government’s condemnation of the Palestinian resistance.
View of section from western side (Photo: D.Breatnach)
INTO THE STREET, ON TO THE BRIDGE
Over a thousand Palestine supporters were mostly crammed into a short section of the central pedestrian reservation on O’Connell Street, boxed in by police vehicles and the northward and southward traffic lanes on one side and the LUAS tram line on the other.
Rally participants have taken the initiative to relieve the crush in the central section by moving on to the road (Photo: D.Breatnach)
There was also an overspill on to the western and eastern pavements but at an initiative from within the crowd, demonstrators spilled from the east pavement and the central reservation on to the southward traffic lane, bringing traffic to a halt there.
After some time, one of the IPSC’s leaders approached the demonstrators in the road and asked them to allow the trapped cars and buses to continue southward, with which request the demonstrators complied – but the police had made this a dangerous exercise.
With the rally supporters now in the road, southbound traffic is unable to go forward and also unable to turn back. Senior IPSC activist (in green T-shirt) may be contemplating how he get the traffic through for awhile. (Photo: D.Breatnach)
A Garda patrol car was parked in the road next to the central reservation, obliging buses moving southward to manoeuvre around it, bringing them very close to the thickly-crowded eastern pavement. Some shouts of “Move the cop car!” were ignored by the Gardaí.
When the trapped vehicles worked their way past the rally, the supporters returned to the road, remaining there until the conclusion of the rally. Clearly the road should have been closed earlier and traffic diverted but the authorities prefer to have people complain about protesters.
With the road temporarily cleared willingly by Palestine supporters, the trapped traffic can move forward. But the placing of the Garda patrol car obliges the driver to swing over to their left bringing the bus dangerously close to the crowded eastern pavement, instead of staying in the middle of the street. (Photo: D.Breatnach)
Subsequently that evening, by which time the rally had been continuing for getting near to three hours, many of the attendance followed a banner of the Anti-Imperialist Action group to occupy O’Connell Bridge for a period and light flares there, after which they dispersed.
This is the southbound lane, so no traffic will approaching the rally on the road from this side. So why all those Gardaí there? Perhaps intending to prevent an impromptu southward march, perhaps to the Israeli Embassy (as occurred on Monday). In any case, they did not managed a march to O’Connell Bridge to occupy that traffic junction for a while. (Photo: D.Breatnach)
Rallies in solidarity with Palestine have been held and new ones are being organised across Ireland, including Belfast, Cork, Derry, Galway, Limerick, Naas, Sligo and the IPSC has called another one for this Saturday for Dublin 1pm in O’Connell Street.
The people in Ireland will continue to express their solidarity with Palestine but the main political parties and Government …!
End.
“The root of violence is oppression”. (Photo: D.Breatnach)
4 The bill would ban any goods or services produced, even partially, in the territories occupied by Israel after 1967 and ruled ‘illegal’ by the UN —including the Golan Heights.
5Presumably she means the process that her party embraced which entailed colluding with a colonial occupying power, a sectarian armed colonial gendarmerie and aspiring to manage a neo-colonial, neo-liberal state.
As smoke rose over the homes and shops of Gaza, an unseasonal October brought sunshine on to the streets of Dublin city centre and the crowds with Palestinian flags outside Leinster House, the home of the parliament of the Irish State.
As the sound of explosions, wailing of ambulances and of people rang around the streets of Gaza, the call-and-answer of solidarity rang out in Kildare Street: In our hundreds, in our millions – We are all Palestinians! From the river to the sea – Palestine will be free!
The Dublin rally was one of a number of Palestine solidarity events organised in Ireland after the unprecedented attack on Israel by Hamas’ military wing, the Al Qassam Brigades on Saturday and the Zionist State’s bombardment of civilian structures and people in Gaza.
Small section of the rally (Photo: D.Breatnach)
The Zionist State, which also controls Palestine’s water supply to Gaza, as well as exit from and entry to the enclave, has cut off water and electrical power as well as barred entry to everything including food, medicine and heating gas.
The Dublin rally was called at very short notice by the Irish Anti-War Movement (IAWM), a broad front organisation formed by the People Before Profit party around 2003 to oppose the imperialist war against Iraq waged by the Coalition of states led by the USA.1
Section of the solidarity rally earlier (Photo: D.Breatnach)
A branch of the Student’s Union of Ireland also supported the rally, which had a high percentage of Middle Eastern people present, presumably mostly Palestinians. The flags in evidence were mostly national Palestinian, some of the PFLP,2 a couple of Starry Ploughs and one Tricolour.3
Speakers from the Palestinian community, IAWM and PBP condemned the decades of attacks by the Israeli state on the Palestinians in general and on those in the Gaza enclave in particular, going back to the expulsion of 700,000 Palestinians4 as the Zionist state was founded in 1948.
Starry Plough flag can be seen centre distance next to some PLPF flags (Photo: D.Breatnach)
Richard Boyd-Barret TD (PBP) spoke as did also Ibrahim Halawa from Dublin, who was a prisoner of the Egyptian regime for four years without trial. Halawa said that awareness-raising and education served the ignorant but that action is required from those who know the real situation.
Some of the orators spoke about the right to resistance of the Palestinians, some about being against killing and war (but blaming the Zionist state for causing it), some about the plight of the Palestinian civilians, particularly in Gaza and one referred to the thousands of political prisoners.
Woman carries home-made giant placard spray-painted “Victory to the Palestinians!” (Photo: D.Breatnach)
MIND THE LANGUAGE!
A number of speakers referred to the “International Community” and when one listens to them in context it becomes clear that this imagined “community” is one of capitalism and imperialism.
It is not the community of workers, much less the community of people struggling for freedom. In Ireland, the overwhelming majority of people have over decades seen through the Zionist propaganda and switched from being pro-Israeli State to being pro-Palestinian.
We should take more care with the words we use lest we reinforce capitalist-imperialist dominance in the world of concepts in addition to their dominance over the physical world. Another trap is the term “illegal” and Boyd-Barret used it in reference to Russia’s invasion of eastern Ukraine.
Banner seen at the rally (Photo: D.Breatnach)
Who makes the international laws by which something is ‘legal’ or ‘illegal’? It is of course the imperialists who do so on the international scale while the capitalists define legality within their states; by their standards the actions of Israeli Zionism are lawful but of Palestinians, illegal.
All the speeches and all the slogans chanted were in English, as were the words on banners. I participated in some Irish conversation near where I was standing but saw only one placard in Irish. The fact that this is normal is part of the problem in this neo-colonial state.
A lone placard in the Irish language seeks “Freedom for Gaza” (Photo: D.Breatnach)
Eoghan Ó Ceannabháin, from an Irish speaking-family from Connemara and himself an Irish speaker, also spoke in English as he introduced the song he was about to sing, in the same language as the lyrics of Patrick Galvin’s Where Is Our James Connolly?
Eoghan is a PBP supporter and a fine singer, particularly in sean-nós5 style and has an amazing range. It was good to hear references to James Connolly at such a rally, something that all too rarely happens, nor is the flag of his Irish Citizen’s Army often seen at internationalist events either.6
CONDEMNATION IN COLLUSION, CONFUSION AND ILLUSION
The imperialist states that united in condemnation of the attack by the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades, Hamas’ military wing, were joined by leaders of neo-colonial states such as the Irish one. Naturally also by parties competing to lead the neo-colonial Executive, such as Sinn Féin.
Media reports noted Mary Lou Mac Donald’s condemnation of Hamas as a change in Sinn Féin policy7. Indeed it is such a change but is generally in line also with the party’s trajectory of presenting itself as a safe pair of hands for management of the neo-colonial state.
Sinn Fein President Mary Lou McDonald and Micheál Martin, leader of Fianna Fáil and currently Tánaiste. (Images sourced: Internet)
Mícheál Martin, Tánaiste (Vice-Premier), who earlier had condemned Hamas, stated that the Government’s position is to support the “two state solution”, more correctly “the two-state illusion” and this, if not already SF’s position on Palestine will no doubt soon be so.
This is the position of all the imperialist and capitalist states, also of social-democratic and liberal groups. It is worth taking a minute to look at this “solution” which in the first place was totally undesirable and which since conceived has been undermined by the Zionists themselves by their colonial expansion.
If it could even be implemented now it would leave the Palestinians with in reality a colonial-type Bantustan-status client of the Israeli Zionist state8, owning less than 40% of their land area and most of their good land and water taken by Zionist settlers.
In addition, their territory would be fragmented, linked by “corridors” through areas of Israeli dominance. In any case, as of 2021, in a poll by the Palestinian Centre for Policy and Survey Research most Palestinians were against the two-state solution.9
Since this is not in the least a practicable solution, why does Mícheál Martin and Joe Biden, among many others10 keep saying it’s their preferred solution?
Biden, because it allows US imperialism to pretend that it supports some kind of solution other than total Zionist appropriation and expansion. Mr. Martin? For the same reason or just because his Gombeen class follows the world imperialism leader’s lead.
The only real solution, i.e the only one both just and capable of bringing peace, is the one that we hardly ever see or hear even mentioned: a secular republic with equal citizenship for all, return of refugees and reparations to the dispossessed Palestinians.
(Photo: D.Breatnach)
The Zionists will not accept the loss of their Zionist empire; US imperialism (and other imperialisms) won’t accept the loss of their only safe strategic foothold in the Middle East – free from the dangers of either Islamic fundamentalist or national liberationist revolution.
US imperialism, now sending an aircraft carrier against the Palestinian people who have neither air force nor navy, is the main financial and political prop supporting the Zionist state. But whatever they thought, I heard no speaker in Dublin call for the necessary defeat of US imperialism.
end.
Scene earlier of the rally as people keep arriving (Photo: D.Breatnach)
FOOTNOTES
1The IAWM seems to have no permanent existence but can be revived in order to organise events such as today’s from time to time. There is nothing wrong with a party creating a broad front on a specific issue but when it is a front of the Party rather than a people’s front, it will of course suffer when the party’s activists, limited in number, are organising on other issues and cannot keep the ‘broad front’ going, much less expand it.
2The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, a secular socialist organisation fighting for Palestinian national liberation; it has consistently been the 2nd-largest of the groups comprising the Palestine Liberation Organisation.
3The Starry Plough was the flag of the Irish Citizen Army, the first workers’ army in the world and usually signifies socialist Irish republicanism. The Plough painted in gold follows the shape of the Ursa Mayor constellation on a green background, the seven stars in white or silver. Another version appeared in the 1930s, the Ursa Mayor shape in white stars on a light blue background.
Obviously people carry Palestinian flags to show solidarity with Palestine but would it not be useful to carry Irish flags at such an event to demonstrate the solidarity of the Irish movements for national liberation and social progress with the corresponding movements in Palestine?
4That figure represented over half the pre-WWII Arab population (Muslim and Christian) of Palestine.
5Literally “old-style”, a traditional style of singing with ornamentation having a number of regional variations, nearly always unaccompanied and solo-voiced.
6James Connolly was a Scottish-Irish socialist revolutionary, writer, journalist, trade union organiser and historian, one of the Seven Signatories of the 1916 Proclamation, Dublin Commandant in the 1916 Rising, one of the 16 executed by British firing squads. He was a co-founder of the Irish Citizen Army to defend the strikers and locked-out workers in 1913 from vicious police attacks, the first workers’ army in the world, which also recruited women, some of whom were officers. The ICA fought alongside other progressive organisations in the Rising.
7And one which cut across the quoted posts of a number of the party’s TDs, including those of Chris Andrews (see Irish Times report in Sources).
8A real irony since Israel is a kind of colony, a state founded by Zionist settlers with imperial support.
rebelbreeze 